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Founded 17 91 


October, 1908 — June, 1909 

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Volume XLII 

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assacjptsttto Historical Society 

Third Series. — Vol. II. 

1908, 1909. 

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John Wilson and Son, Cambridge. 

PREFACE. U28375 

This volume includes the proceedings of nine stated 
meetings of the Society, October, 1908, to June, 1909, 
thus covering one year's activity. The records of the 
meetings in 1908 were prepared for the press by Mr. 
Julius H. Tuttle, as acting editor ; those of the subsequent 
meetings jointly by Mr. Ford, whose appointment as 
Editor became effective in January, and by Mr. Tuttle. 

The papers and material contributed apply to a wide 
field of history. Relating to the puritan poet and poet 
of the puritans, the tercentenary of the birth of John 
Milton received its due recognition. The oration of 
Dr. Everett and introductory remarks by the President 
were, at a later meeting of the Society, supplemented by 
the President's search for some marks of an immediate 
influence exerted by Milton upon New England literature 
of the eighteenth century, in which he reached a nega- 
tive result. Incidentally, an edition of " Paradise Lost " 
was shown, with a hitherto unknown titlepage, a dis- 
covery which will be of high interest, if the investigations 
of experts establish its full authenticity. As was fit, the 
Society was represented by two of its members, at the 
Calvin celebration in Geneva, in July, 1909. 


The national celebration on Abraham Lincoln received 
informal notice in Mr. Schouler's account of Lincoln's 
visit to Massachusetts in 1848, and in the President's 
recollections of the first inauguration in 1861. Other 
members contributed reminiscences of the man or the 
occasion. From the cabinet was shown the table used in 
the second inauguration, in 1865, and the collections 
yielded an unpublished letter, written in Lincoln's early 
political life. 

The history of the United States is treated in the 
original papers by Dr. Hall on Civil War Pensions, and 
Mr. Stan wood on Apportionment and State Rights. 
Not a little new material is printed from various manu- 
script sources. The letters of James Monroe to John 
Taylor, and the correspondence that passed between 
Martin Van Buren and George Bancroft, are contributions 
to American historical records. The battles of Bull Run 
are noticed in contributed papers and recollections. 

Massachusetts history receives ample attention, begin- 
ning with a series of letters throwing light on the English 
Church in Holland at the time of the Pilgrim migration. 
The two papers on the cutting of the cross from the 
ensign at Salem in 1634, and the letters and protests of 
the Quakers against the prosecution of their brothers in 
New England, from the collection of Mr. Greenough, 
belong to the early colonial history. To a later date 
belong the extracts from the interleaved almanacs of 
Rev. William Smith, of Weymouth, and Dr. Cotton 
Tufts, 1738-1784, and the papers of Dr. Green on 


Old Mile-stones leading from Boston, and Slavery at 
Groton in Provincial Times. Mention may also be made 
of Mr. Sanborn's find of some papers of Meshech Weare, 
the diary of the Siege of Louisburg, the letters on 
Lafayette's visit to the United States in 1825, and the 
two papers on church affairs in Virginia. 

In bibliography, an attempt is made to solve the 
authorship of " New Englancls First Fruits" (1643), and 
to explain the printing in England of writings by New 
England clergymen, 1642-1646. 

As regards the Society and its members, the paper by 
Gov. Long on " Reminiscences of my Seventy Years' 
Education " stands first. In addition to the tributes to 
deceased members three memoirs are printed : that of 
Abbott Lawrence, by Dr. Green ; that of John Elliot San- 
ford, by Mr. Dexter; and that of Charles Henry Dalton, 
by Mr. Merriman. The Society has acquired by gift 
original portraits of Hon. Stephen Higginson and James 
Sullivan, the latter honorably connected with the Society 
in its early years. By gift from a Corresponding Member, 
Mr. Horace Davis, was also obtained a copy of the 
" Boston Weekly News-Letter" of August 1, 1751, believed 
to be the only copy extant ; and by courtesy of Mr. Wilder 
D. Bancroft, the deposit of the papers of George Bancroft, 
historian, to be available for historical study. Ten years' 
occupation of the new building was an event for congratu- 
lation, and led to a needed suggestion of the President 
against the tendency to accumulate printed material of 
little or no use to the purposes of the Society. 


The consolidated index of the Second Series of the 
Proceedings will be issued before the coming winter. 

At the charge of the Waterston Fund, No. 2, the 
Society publishes this autumn, and distributes to its 
members and exchange libraries, Dr. Green's work on 
" John Foster, the Earliest American Engraver and the 
First Boston Printer," the result of many years of 
research and investigation. 

Charles Francis Adams, 
Edward Stanwood, 
James Ford Rhodes, 

Boston, July 15, 1909. 



Preface „ vii 

List of Illustrations xv 

Officers elected April 8, 1909 xvii 

Members, Resident xviii 

Honorary and Corresponding xx 

Deceased xxii 


Tercentenary of John Milton, by C. C. Smith 1 

Tribute to Alexander V. G. Allen, by the President ... 2 

Dr. McKenzie ... 6 
Improvements in the Society's building, and the disposal of 

useless printed matter, by the President ..... 3 

Rev. John White (1575-1648), by Dr. Hale 10 

Conway's cabal and John Adams, by Dr. Everett .... 11 

Letter of James Hamilton, 1832, by the President .... 12 


Portrait of Hon. Stephen Higginson, by Col. T. W. Higginson 15 

James Sullivan, by Dr. Green 16 

Discovery of some Weare papers, b}* Mr. Sanborn . . . .17 

Tributes to Charles Eliot Norton : 

by the President 23 

Mr. Wendell 25 

Mr. Storey 28 

Mr. Endicott 30 



Dr. Hale 32 

Col. T. W. Higginson 33 

Prof. Haynes 35 

Tributes to Daniel Coit Gilman : 

by Mr. Crapo 37 

Mr. Storey 39 

Mr. Schouler 40 

Memoir of Abbott Lawrence, by Dr. Green 41 


Tercentenar}' of John Milton 48 

Introduction, by the President 49 

Milton the Puritan, by Dr. Everett 54 


Need of an opposition, by Mr. Bradford 68 

Laud's treatment of Rev. Thomas Shepard, by Dr. Everett . 69 

Abraham Lincoln at Tremont Temple in 1848, by Mr. Schouler 70 

Letter to B. F. James, 1846 ... ." 83 

Recollections of, by Mr. Rantoul 84 

Old mile-stones leading from Boston, by Dr. Green .... 87 


Civil War pensions, b} r Rev. Mr. Hall 113 

The President's inkstand, by Prof. Haynes 133 

The Lincoln inaugural table, by Dr. Green 135 

Diary of Dudley Bradstreet, 1745, communicated by Dr. Green 135 

Lincoln's first inauguration, by C. F. Adams 145 

Milton's impress on the provincial literature of New England, 

by C. F. Adams 154 


The new issue of U. S. postage stamps, by Mr. Rhodes . . 171 
The name of Winthrop school, Boston, and some inaccuracies 

in prominent writers, by Dr. Everett 1 73 

Some recollections of the Societj', by Dr. Green ..... 174 



The impressed stamps of 1755, by Mr. Norcross .... 175 
A forgotten incident of the State rights eontrovers}', by 

Mr. Stanwood 176 

The first battle of Bull Run, by Mr. Clement 181 

by Dr. Green 189 

Mr. Rhodes 191 

The second battle of Bull Run, by Jonathan Smith . . . 191 

Family tradition and history, by Mr. Matthews 193 

Slavery at Groton in provincial times, by Dr. Green . . . 196 

A Massachusetts broadside of 1659 203 

The English church in Holland, 1624-1636, communicated by 

Mr. Ford 203 


Report of the Council 237 

Treasurer 241 

Librarian 249 

Cabinet-Keeper 251 

Committee on the Library and Cabinet . . . 252 

Officers elected 256 

An oration of 1775, by Dr. Everett 256 

Milton's " Paradise Lost," 1667, by Mr. Norcross .... 257 

The authorship of " New Englands First Fruits," by Mr. Ford 259 
The ensign incident at Salem in 1634, communicated by 

Mr. Ford . . 266 

Memoir of John Elliot Sanford, by Mr. Dexter 281 

Charles Henry Dal ton, by Mr. Merriman . . . 287 


Lafayette in the United States, 1825. 

Mrs. Ann Tracy, on his visit to Biddeford, Maine, com- 
municated by Mr. Quincy 314 

Nicholas Biddle, on investment for 316 

Letters of James Monroe, 1790-1827, communicated by 

Mr. Ford 318 

Church support in Virginia, communicated by Mr. Ford . . 341 




" Reminiscences of my Seventy Years' Education," by Gov. 

Long 348 

Quaker protests. 1659-1675, communicated by Mr. Ford . . 358 
Van Buren-Bancroft correspondence, 1830-1845, communicated 

by Mr. Ford 381 

Diaries of Rev. William Smith and Dr. Cotton Tufts, 1738-1784 444 

Donors to the Library 479 

Addresses of Members 485 

Index 489 



Portrait op Abbott Lawrence Frontispiece 

The President's Inkstand 133 

The Lincoln Inaugural Table, 1865 135 

A Massachusetts Broadside, 1659 ......... 203 

Titlepage of " Paradise Lost," 1667 258 

Portrait of Charles Henry Dalton ........ 287 





Elected April, 8, 1909. 





Corresponding Hmdarg 

ARTHUR LORD . Boston. 



Pembers at ^arge of % Comtcil 






A dditional Member of the Council 

v L J 


Hon. Samuel Abbott Green, LL.D. 

Josiah Phillips Quincy, A.M. 

Charles Card Smith, A.M. 

Abner Cheney Goodell, A.M. 
Edward Doubleday Harris, Esq. 

Hon. Winslow Warren, LL.B. 
Charles William Eliot, LL.D. 

Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. 

Hon. William Everett, LL.D. 
Hon, Henry Cabot Lodge, LL.D. 

John Torrey Morse, Jr., A.B. 

Gamaliel Bradford, A.B. 

Henry Williamson Haynes, A.M. 

Thomas Wentworth Higginson, LL.D. 

Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M. 
Rev. Alexander McKenzie, D.D. 

Arthur Lord, A.B. 
Frederic Ward Putnam, S.D. 
James McKellar Bugbee, Esq. 

Edward Channing, Ph.D. 

William Watson Goodwin, D.C.L. 

Edwin Pliny Seaver, A.M. 

Albert Bushnell Hart, LL.D. 
Thornton Kirkland Lothrop, LL.B. 

Henry Fitz-Gilbert Waters, A.M. 
Abbott Lawrence Lowell, LL.D. 

Hon. Oliver Wendell Holmes, LL.D. 
Henry Pickering Walcott, LL.D. 

Hon. Charles Russell Codman, LL.B. 
Barrett Wendell, A.B. 
James Ford Rhodes, LL.D. 

Hon. Edward Francis Johnson, LL.B. 
Rt. Rev. William Lawrence, D.D. 
William Roscoe Thayer, A.M. 




Rev. Morton Dexter, A.M. 

Hon. Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, LL.D. 

Hon. William Wallace Crapo, LL.D. 


Hon. Francis Cabot Lowell, A.B. 
Granville Stanley Hall, LL.D. 
Alexander Agassiz, LL.D. 
Col. Theodore Ayrault Dodge. 


Rev. Leverett Wilson Spring, D.D. 
Col. William Roscoe Livermore 
Hon. Richard Olney, LL.D 
Lucien Carr, A.M. 


Rev, George Angier Gordon, D.D. 
John Chipman Gray, LL.D. 
Rev. James DeNormandie, D.D. 
Andrew McFarland Davis, A.M. 


Archibald Cary Coolidge, Ph.D. 
Charles Pickering Bowditch, A.M. 
Rev. Edward Henry Hall, D.D. 


James Frothingham Hunnewell, A.M. 
Melville Madison Bigelow, LL.D. 


Thomas Leonard Livermore, A.B. 
Nathaniel Paine, A.M. 
Charles Gross, LL.D. 
John Osborne Sumner, A.B. 
Arthur Theodore Lyman, A.M. 
Samuel Lothrop Thorndike, A.M. 


Henry Lee Higginson, LL.D. 
Brooks Adams, A.B. 
Grenville Howland Norcross, LL.B. 
Edward Hooker Gilbert, A.B. 


Franklin Benjamin Sanborn, A.B. 
Charles Knowles Bolton, A.B. 
Samuel Savage Shaw, LL.B. 
Ephraim Emerton, Ph.D. 
Waldo Lincoln, A.B. 
Frederic Jesup Stimson, LL.B. 
Edward Stanwood, Litt.D. 
Moorfield Storey, A.M. 

Thomas Minns, Esq. 
Roger Bigelow Merriman, Ph.D. 
Charles Homer Haskins, Ph.D. 

Hon. John Davis Long, LL.D. 
Don Gleason Hill, A.M. 
Theodore Clarke Smith, Ph.D. 
Henry Greenleaf Pearson, A.B. 
Bliss Perry, LL.D. 
Hon. John Lathrop, LL.D. 

Edwin Doak Mead, Esq. 
Edward Henry Clement, Litt.D. 
William Endicott, A.M. 
Lindsay Swift, A.B. 
Hon. George Sheldon. 
Mark Antony De Wolfe Howe, A.M. 
Arnold Augustus Rand, Esq. 

Jonathan Smith, A.B. 
Albert Matthews, A.B. 
William Vail Kellen, LL.D. 

Frederic Winthrop, A.B. 
Hon. Robert Samuel Rantoul, LL.B. 
George Lyman Kittredge, LL.D. 
Charles Pelham Greenough, LL.B. 
Henry Ernest Woods, A.M. 

Worthington Chauncey Ford, A.M. 
William Coolidge Lane, A.B. 


lit. Hon. James Bryce, D.C.L. 


Rt. Hon. Sir George Otto Trevelyan, 
Bart, D.C.L. 

Pasquale Villari, D.C.L. 

Henry Charles Lea, LL.D. 


Adolf Harnack, D.D. 

Rt. Hon. Viscount Morley, D.C.L. 

Goldwin Smith, D.C.L. 

Ernest Lavisse. 

Rear-Admiral Alfred Thayer 
Mahan, D.C.L. 

Henry Adams, LL.D. 


Hon, John Bigelow, LL.D. 
Hubert Howe Bancroft, A.M. 

John Austin Stevens, A.B. 
Joseph Florimond Loubat, LL.D. 
Charles Henry Hart, LL.B. 

Franklin Bowditch Dexter, Litt.D. 
Hon. Andrew Dickson White, LL.D. 

Sir James MacPherson LeMoine, 


Rev. Charles Richmond Weld, LL.D. 


Hon. James Burrill Angell, LL.D. 
William Babcock Weeden, A.M. 


Rev. George Park Fisher, LL.D. 

Woodrow Wilson, LL.D. 

Hon. Joseph Hodges Choate, D.C.L. 

John Franklin Jameson, LL.D. 



Rev. William Cunningham, LL.D. 


Hon. Simeon Eben Baldwin, LL.D. 
John Bassett Moore, LL.D. 


Frederic Harrison, Litt.D. 
Frederic Bancroft, LL.D. 
Charles Harding Firth, LL.D. 
William James Ashley, M.A. 


John Bach McMaster, LL.D. 
Albert Venn Dicey, LL.D. 
Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL.D. 
John Christopher Schwab, Ph.D. 


Rev. Arthur Blake Ellis, LL.B. 

Auguste Moireau. 

Hon. Horace Davis, LL.D. 


Sidney Lee, LL.D. 

Frederick Jackson Turner, Ph.D. 

William Archibald Dunning, LL.D. 
James Sehouler, LL.D. 
George Parker Winship, A.M. 
Gabriel Hanotaux. 
Hubert Hall. 

Andrew Cunningham McLaugh- 
lin, LL.B. 
Hon. Beekman Winthrop, LL.B. 

Hon. James Phinney Baxter, Litt.D. 
Wilberforce Eames, A.M. 
George Walter Prothero, LL.D. 
Hon. Jean Jules Jusserand, LL.D. 
James Kendall Hosmer, LL.D. 

John Bagnell Bury, LL.D. 
Rafael Altamira y Crevea. 
Hon. James Wilberforce Longley, 

Henry Morse Stephens, A.M. 
Charles Borgeaud, LL.D. 


Lyon Gardiner Tyler, LL.D. 
Clarence Bloomfield Moore, A.B. 


July, 1908 — June, 1909. 


1860, Charles Eliot Norton, D.C.L Oct. 21, 1908. 

1861, Rev. Edward Everett Hale, D.D June 10, 1909. 

1886, Rev. Alexander Viets Griswold Allen, D.D. . . . July 1, 1908. 

1899, John Noble, LL.D June 10, 1909. 


1901, Daniel Coit Gilman, LL.D Oct. 13, 1908. 





THE stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 8th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. M. ; the President, Charles Francis 
Adams, in the chair. 

The record of the June meeting was read and approved. 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported the gift, by Francis H. Brown, 
of a copy of the portrait of Captain John Linzee, of the Royal 
Navy, who commanded the sloop-of-war Falcon at the Battle 
of Bunker Hill. 

Charles C. Smith called attention to the circumstance 
that the tercentenary of the birth of John Milton will occur 
on December 9, and that the regular meeting of the Society 
will come on the following day. He reminded the members 
that on some previous occasions the Society had celebrated 
the births of eminent men, especially in the case of Sir Walter 
Scott, 1 when one member was present who had seen Scott in 
the court-room in Scotland. Extensive preparations are mak- 
ing in England to celebrate Milton's birthday; and as we 
claim a common inheritance with Englishmen in Milton's 
fame we too should honor his memory. It is not on account 
of his greatness as a poet that we as an Historical Society are 
specially interested in his works ; but it is on the side of his 
prose writings that we are led at once to a consideration of his 

1 The centenary of the birth of Sir Walter Scott was celebrated by the Society 
on August 15, 1871 ; and the member referred to was William Amory. See 
1 Proceedings, xii. 139-156. 



place iii our history. He was the contemporary of the founders 
of this Commonwealth, and an uncompromising exponent of 
their political and religious aspirations, — a Puritan, to use his 
own phrase, " writ large." In any commemoration of him 
Massachusetts therefore should heartily join, and it is proper 
that this Society should take the leading part. On motion of 
Mr. Smith the matter was referred to the Council with full 

Henry Ernest Woods, of Boston, was elected a Resident 
Member of the Society ; and Charles Borgeaud, of Geneva, 
Switzerland, was elected a Corresponding Member. 

James K. Hosmer, a CoiTesponding Member, on behalf of 
the American Historical Association, presented to the Society 
a newly published edition of Winthrop's Journal, edited by 
J. Franklin Jameson and himself. This work, in two volumes, 
forms a part of a series of " Original Narratives of Early 
American History," published by the Association. He de- 
scribed the method adopted in the preparation of this edition, 
and the purpose to present in a cheap and convenient shape a 
work for the use of students in high schools and colleges. 

The President then said : 

Again it devolves upon me to welcome back the members of 
the Society at another autumnal commencement of our regular 

It is with a sense of satisfaction also that I report the occur- 
rence of only one additional vacancy in our number since the 
June meeting. Alexander Viets Griswold Allen, Professor of 
Church History at the Episcopal Theological School, died in 
Cambridge on the first of July. I shall presently call upon 
our associate Dr. McKenzie to offer a characterization of Pro- 
fessor Allen. Meanwhile, in accordance with our usage in 
such cases, in announcing his death I shall confine myself to a 
simple statement of the facts relating to Professor Allen's con- 
nection with the Society. Born at Otis, Massachusetts, on the 
4th of May, 1841, Professor Allen was at the time of his death in 
his sixty-eighth year. He was graduated from Kenyon Col- 
lege in 1862, and in 1865 from the Andover Theological 
Seminary. Elected a Resident Member of the Society at the 
December meeting, 1886, at the time of his death his name 
stood, in order of seniority, twenty-fourth on our roll. A 

1908.] TRIBUTE TO A. V. G. ALLEN. 3 

fairly constant attendant at our meetings, he rarely took active 
part in them, nor was he a contributor to our printed Proceed- 
ings. Appointed at the February meeting, 1893, to prepare a 
memoir of our late associate Phillips Brooks, he failed ever to 
file one ; though, as is well known, he, in 1900, published in- 
dependently " The Life and Letters of Phillips Brooks," a 
most elaborate biography in two bulky volumes, the existence 
of which obviates the necessity of any detailed memoir in our 
Proceedings. A few pages only would have met every require- 
ment. Such a brief record of Bishop Brooks is yet to be pre- 
pared. At the February meeting, 1897, Dr. Allen favored 
the Society with an elaborate and discriminating paper on the 
anniversary of the birth of Melanchthon ; and, subsequently, 
he prepared a memoir of our associate Horace E. Scudder, 
which appeared in Volume XIX. of the second series of our 
Proceedings. At the October meeting, 1904, Dr. Allen paid 
feeling tribute to Dr. E. W. Donald, whose memoir also he was 
appointed to write. Like the memoir of Bishop Brooks, this 
has not been filed, nor, I apprehend, prepared. Dr. Allen 
never served upon the Council of the Society, nor upon any 
of the Society's committees. His death, however, leaves a 
distinct void in our ranks. 

The death of Dr. Allen left ninety-eight names upon our roll 
of Resident membership, and forty-nine names were upon the 
Corresponding roll. The election to-day of Mr. Woods in 
place of Dr. Allen leaves, therefore, but one vacancy to be 
filled in the first, while, through the choice of Mr. Borgeaud, 
both the Corresponding and the Honorary rolls are full. 

The first meeting of the Society in the present building was 
held on the 9th of March, 1899 ; we are, therefore, now far 
advanced in the tenth year of the building's occupation. In 
the case of every edifice, public or private, especially one 
constructed as was this on land filled in on salt-water flats, 
after the lapse of time imperfections in the original con- 
struction naturally become apparent. Restoration then be- 
comes desirable if not necessary, and the occupant of the 
structure may consider himself fortunate if the extent of such 
work of restoration is not considerable, and the cost thereof 
correspondingly heavy. Any defects in the original construc- 
tion of this building having thus had ample time in which to 
reveal themselves, it was deemed best to take matters in hand, 


and dispose finally of what had until then been deferred. If 
this work was to be done, it was further thought desirable 
to have it thoroughly done. 

A careful survey of the building was therefore ordered, 
and a detailed statement of the result submitted. In accord- 
ance with this statement, an entirely new granolithic walk was 
laid in front of the building, and a similar walk in the yard at 
its rear. In the basement many of the pipes of the heating 
apparatus were covered with asbestos; others painted. The 
concrete flooring of two of the cellars was renewed ; elsewhere 
it was repaired. To admit of this work being done, a large 
and somewhat dangerous subterranean accumulation of miscel- 
laneous printed matter had incidentally to be overhauled ; and, 
for the reception and future convenient storing of such of this 
matter as may be thought worth preserving, new steel shelv- 
ing was made, and installed in the basement. The total cost 
of the entire work, all the bills for which have not yet been 
rendered, will be approximately $ 3000 ; and it is conclusive 
evidence of the goodness of the original structure and the 
general excellence of the work and material put into it, that, 
after nearly ten years of constant use, its repair and com- 
pletion should call for no larger outlay. The Society is in 
this respect to be congratulated. 

The building is supposed to be of fire-proof construction. 
Such construction is, however, at best a relative term; for 
no building of whatever material, or however constructed, is 
calculated to resist the furnace test. The gradual accumu- 
lation in our basement of a constantly increasing mass of 
inflammable matter — old furniture, framing work and scaf- 
folding, and, above all, paper in almost every conceivable form 
— exposed this building to a possibility of just that test. A 
general clearance of the basement thus became very desira- 
ble, if not absolutely necessary. The articles of the classes 
first specified were easily disposed of; not so the last. For, in 
the case of such a Society as ours, the work of overhauling 
and shelving, or getting rid of accumulated printed matter, is 
always a delicate task. Besides being laborious and the re- 
verse of cleanly, it calls for the exercise of no inconsiderable 
judgment. Involving, as it does, a risk of irreparable loss, the 
policy to be pursued with such material must therefore, in the 
first place, be decided on. 


Either by bequest and accumulation or in other ways, this 
Society now has in its possession, beside thousands of volumes, 
some tons of miscellaneous printed matter, for which it has 
neither room nor appreciable use. A certain portion of it may 
advantageously, though slowly, be disposed of by exchange ; 
but the body of it, if not wholly valueless, has no value as 
part of our collection. Cataloguing and indexing are costly ; 
and without being catalogued, indexed and arranged, printed 
matter becomes mere combustible lumber. It must always be 
borne in mind, moreover, that, in these days of great libraries 
of a popular and miscellaneous character, ours is a specialized 
collection, valuable only as such. People do not come here to 
look for rare editions of standard authors ; they come here ex- 
clusively to consult historical rarities. Surprisingly few books 
are, accordingly, taken from our shelves. 

Under these general conditions, there would seem to be but 
one judicious course to pursue. Books, for instance, relating 
to law, which may drift into our hands, can be sent to the 
Law Library ; those relating to surgery and medicine, to the 
Medical Library ; those relating to theology, to the Theologi- 
cal Library. Volumes of public documents, other than those 
exceptional or historical in character, when possessed of any 
value at all, are rendered most accessible to those in search of 
them by being deposited in the library at the State House. 
A certain class of miscellaneous literature can best be utilized by 
the Boston Public Library ; and another class by the Boston 
Athenaeum. A mass, heterogeneous, miscellaneous and non- 
descript, — duplicates, broken sets of periodicals, discarded 
and forgotten fiction, cheap editions of books become classic 
or once popular, stillborn publications, etc., — yet remains, 
and this had best be turned over in bulk to the second-hand 
bookseller, whose establishment serves as a kind of rude 
piinted-matter clearing-house. Duplicate editions of standard 
authors, copies of which the Society already has, the second- 
hand booksellers are always ready to purchase. No good end 
is, of course, subserved by retaining such upon our shelves. 

Meanwhile to those having in charge the work of repair in 
the basement of this building, it was apparent that, in the case 
of our Society, the time for a general and effective house- 
cleaning had come. In its present form inviting conflagration, 
the accumulation should either be arranged and made access- 


ible, or be disposed of in quarters where it will be valued. 
The alternative is its treatment as rubbish. 

During the summer the current volume of Proceedings of 
the Society — the initial volume of its Third Series — has 
gone through the press, and will be ready for distribution at 
an early date. 

The work of preparing a General Index volume of the 
twenty volumes constituting the Second Series has progressed, 
but not so rapidly as the Committee in charge had wished. 
The indexing is complete, and the copy is now in the hands 
of the printer. The press work will probably be completed, 
and the volume be ready for distribution in the spring, or, 
in any event, during the Society's year now beginning. It 
covers the record of nearly twenty-four years, January, 1884, 
to March, 1907, inclusive. The preceding eighteen volumes 
of the First Series, including the entire period since the pub- 
lication of Proceedings separate from the Collections was 
initiated, covered the record of nearly twenty-nine years, 
April, 1855, to December, 1883, inclusive. 

The most important event of the summer has, however, 
been an active negotiation carried on with a view to the 
selection of an editor in place of Mr. Smith. The great im- 
portance of the decision to be reached will readily be appre- 
ciated. It will gravely affect the nature of our work in 
future, and the amount as well as the value of our publica- 
tions. Those having the matter in charge, therefore, have 
deemed it best to move slowly, and with the utmost circum- 
spection. I am, however, on behalf of the Council, glad now 
to announce that a selection has practically been reached, and 
official announcement thereof will probably be made at the 
next meeting of the Society. Should such be the case, the 
new editor will assume his functions with the beginning of 
the year 1909. 

Dr. McKenzie, having been called on to offer a characteri- 
zation of Dr. Allen, spoke in substance as follows : 

I am glad to respond to the request of the President and to say 
a few words of my neighbor and friend, Professor Allen. It is 
not altogether easy to do this, for his life had few remarkable in- 
cidents and was lived without noise and without the activi- 

1908.] TEIBUTE TO A. V. G. ALLEN. 7 

ties which attract notice. It was fine in the living, but not 
fruitful for describing. 

The annals are simple. He was born in 1841, graduated 
from Kenyon College in 1862 and from the Theological Semi- 
nary at Andover in 1865, and in 1867 he was ordained to the 
priesthood in the Protestant Episcopal Church and became 
Professor of Church History in the new Theological School at 
Cambridge > and in that position he remained. This is not 
impressive if viewed superficially, but if regarded cubically, 
as a man's life should be, it is a large presentment. Profes- 
sor Allen was a teacher. He was, moreover, a patient stu- 
dent. He had the true historic spirit. He knew what he 
knew, — which is not uncommon ; but he was also aware of many 
things he did not know. He advanced steadily into the domain 
of knowledge, but he knew his limits. When I asked him re- 
garding some point in history, he replied : " That rests on one 
record and I have been trying for years to find the meaning 
of it." 

He was, perhaps, best known to those who were not in close 
association with him through the Ministers' Club, a society of 
which one of the chief founders was Andrew P. Peabody. It 
is composed of men of many names and diverse opinions, and 
every one is expected to speak freely, in the effort to promote 
knowledge more than to secure <riiformity. I think that my 
friend DeNormandie will agree with me, that there was no 
one who was heard with more satisfaction than Professor Al- 
len. He spoke like a full man, and we knew that there were 
reserves of knowledge. He spoke quietly, with touches of wit, 
and, if the occasion called for it, bits of sarcasm tempered with 
a smile. Sometimes he would traverse the common thought 
and startle us in the conventional views which he disturbed. 
One who knew him would explain it all : " It 's Allen. He 
does n't mean it." But he did mean it, and, more than that, 
he made others believe it. He spoke with an authority which 
we were not disposed to question openly. He was happy in his 
friendships with such men as Elisha Mulford and Francis 
Wharton, and his interchange of thought with them was a 
mutual advantage. His scholars have gone out to extend his 

He will be known also through his books. His Life of 
Jonathan Edwards reveals his facultv of discernment, and his 


sense of perspective and proportion. He takes the life in its 
largeness. He could see how a man who made a study of the 
spider as a matter of science might use as an illustration in the- 
ology that offensive member of the animal kingdom. Edwards' 
illustration was terrific and has sullied his fame, but it was 
not a considerable part of his work as a preacher. A fuller 
life of Edwards may be given, but this small treatise will keep 
its place. " The God consciousness was the deepest substra- 
tum of his being" and " in him was a divine and supernatural 

" The Continuity of Christian Thought " is a clearer disclos- 
ure of Professor Allen's method. He marked events, but not 
these alone. He saw and traced a line of thought upon which 
events had their place. There were continuity and connection 
and not merely separate events and processes. I do not recall 
any criticism of the work except that of our late associate 
Professor Smyth, of Andover, a historian of equal rank and 
equal sincerity. He thought that enough was not made of 
Augustine and his influence. This ma}' mark a difference in 
the two men. For Smyth would naturally estimate the Latin 
theology and its control more highly than Allen, who perhaps 
cared more for the Greek thought. But the book is rich in 
learning. Dr. Allen's work on Christian Institutions would 
readily provoke more comment. His portrayal of the rise and 
original method of these institutions differed from the current 
views of many, possibly most, of those with whom Allen was 
ecclesiastically connected. But he must needs relate what he 
had found. When his views were somewhat vigorously op- 
posed in England, I think by Canon Gore, he remarked qui- 
etly, " He has studied these things a few years, I have studied 
them all my life." When I expressed my own approval of Dr. 
Allen's teaching, which confirmed me in the results of my 
own studies, and wondered that others could draw so differ- 
ent conclusions from the evident facts, he said with a smile, 
" They know it all." "How, then, can they profess the con- 
trary?" "Oh, they like to do it." I do not think he meant 
that they were not sincere, but that early training and long 
association and enjoyment had made them cherish opinions 
which his dispassionate research did not sustain. He was not 
disturbed. He seemed to enjoy the freedom with which good 
men did their thinking and fashioned their teaching. 

1908.] TRIBUTE TO A. V. G. ALLEN. 9 

The greater work of Professor Allen is, of course, Lis Life of 
Phillips Brooks. It was an arduous task which was laid upon 
him. I remember his dismay at the quantity of material 
placed in his hands, which he was to examine and within 
which the memoir was to be framed. He did not limit himself 
to this. He sought help wherever he thought it might be 
fouud. He knew of Dr. Brooks's prayer at the Harvard 
Memorial Commemoration after the war. He knew that it 
had made a wonderful impression. But the prayer itself he 
could not recover. I could give him, as others could, a gen- 
eral idea of the prayer, with a recital of the thoughts which 
would enter into it. He wanted more than this. But more 
could not be given. It was a great day and a solemn day for 
Harvard. The oration was given by Dr. Putnam and must 
have been worthy of the time. But that passed from the 
mind when the stranger rose for the sublime act of devotion. 
Never had a man a grander theme, never a great theme a 
man more suited to its claims. The love of his country, the 
joy in her deliverance, the loving admiration for the Harvard 
men who had given their lives, all were in the great soul of 
the man who gave reverent utterance to the thought and feel- 
ing which possessed every heart. When he finished came the 
awful stillness. One turned to another and asked, ' 4 Who is 
that ? " " His name is Brooks. He is from Philadelphia." It 
is a sign of Dr. Allen's discernment that he saw the signifi- 
cance of that hour, and saw in it a revelation of the man 
whose spirit he was interpreting. I remember the patient 
effort with which he sought the secret of the event which 
was in the secret of the life. I was walking home with 
him late one evening when we came to the place where 
our ways parted. But he detained me. He questioned me 
and I gave only the answers which I could. He held me 
and renewed his search. I leaned upon the fence, half impa- 
tiently, and he still searched. At last I gave him a response 
which pleased him. " There," he cried, " I knew I should get 
something if I kept on." It is a trifling incident, but it 
marks the patience and insistence of the man. The work is 
indeed a memoir, and not an autobiography. He set all his 
powers to the constructing of the life. I once said to Dr. 
Brooks that I did not see how a man's biography could be 
written, — that there are hidden thoughts and currents of 



feeling which no one can know. Dr. Brooks replied, "I 
do not see any difficulty in it." I believe Dr. Allen came 
very near doing what Dr. Brooks thought possible. The 
work is an admiration ; words are not equal to all the biog- 
rapher had in his heart to say. It has seemed to me al- 
most an excessive admiration, much as I admired the man. I 
wanted the real human side, — the side one saw at his table 
and by his fireside. The grandeur and saintiiness would not 
be lessened if with them we had the strong personality, hu- 
manity, of the man. Allen is not in the book, it is all 
Brooks ; yet one has in the portrayal the mind and spirit 
of the author himself. In the memoir of Brooks are seen the 
lineaments of Allen. 

I must not prolong these words. Professor Allen was a 
good man and it is good to recall his life. The school and 
the world will go on. His work will remain. But those who 
knew him will miss him. We shall miss the strong presence, 
the steady, quiet walk, the clear voice, the brave spirit, the 
stout heart, the firm hand, the good-natured smile. I like to 
repeat for him the words from the epitaph of a great lawyer: 
"He had the beauty of accuracy in his understanding and the 
beauty of uprightness in his character." 

Dr. Hale exhibited a copy of the " Municipal Records of 
the Borough of Dorchester, Dorset," England, recently pub- 
lished, and called attention to the interesting original matter 
it contained about Rev. John White (1575-1648), called long 
since " the founder of Massachusetts," and about our early 
history, throwing new light perhaps on open questions regard- 
ing the history of Winthrop's Colony. He was the author of 
"The Planter's Plea" (London, 1630). James White, said 
to be a nephew of John White, 1 is referred to by one of the 
authorities cited as a rich merchant of Boston, New England, 
in 1652. " The First Century of scandalous malignant 
Priests" (London, 1643) is not by Rev. John White, but is 
the work of John White (1590-1645), who received the name 
"Century White" from it. He was the legal adviser 2 of the 
Massachusetts Company in London, and was a member of the 
House of Commons from Southwark. 

1 Dictionary of National Biography, lxi. 59. 

2 4 Collections, ii. 218; J. G. Palfrey, History of New England, i. 306. 


Dr. Hale also expressed his satisfaction that preparations 
are to be made for a celebration of Milton's birthda}\ He 
said that at one time he hoped to show that the word 
" hubub," which was undoubtedly in use by the Penobscot 
Indians, had been borrowed from them by Milton when he 
used it in his " Paradise Lost." Murray's Dictionary, how- 
ever, cites the use of the word among English writers as 
early as 1555. He thought that the familiar use of the word 
" Norumbega " of late years in New England was due to 
Milton's use of the word in " Paradise Regained." It is on 
the oldest maps, but disappears before Winthrop's time. 

Dr. Everett presented a copy of " Garibaldi's Defence 
of the Roman Republic," by George Macaulay Trevelyan, 
the youngest son of Sir George Trevelyan, and called at- 
tention to other works, by the same writer, evincing great 
industry, thoroughness, and spirit. He then asked the 
attention of the members to the proceedings at the annual 
meeting of the Bunker Hill Monument Association, 17 June, 
1908, containing an address in which he had drawn out at 
length some of the interesting and valuable points in Sir 
George Trevelyan's admirable history of the American Revo- 
lution. He desired specially to note an error into which he 
had himself fallen in discussing Trevelyan's account of Con- 
way's cabal, having inferred that John Adams was spoken of 
by the historian as implicated in that intrigue. A more care- 
ful reading had convinced him that the author had done no 
more than mention John Adams's sharp criticisms on Wash- 
ington contained in his correspondence with Rush and others, 
who were in the cabal, expressions which Trevelyan character- 
ized as "playing with edged tools." But John Adams's frank 
and outspoken character was wholly alien to the workings of 
such a conspiracy, and Trevelyan (part iii. 318) records his 
disclaimer of it. 

Dr. Everett further spoke of various blunders into which 
he himself and others had fallen with regard to historical 
events. Some of these were more amusing than important; 
but it seemed well to correct an error in the Proceedings 
(second series, xvi. 532) of the Society where John Quincy 
Adams is spoken of as the successor in the Senate of Jeremiah 
Mason, an error for Jonathan Mason. 

His Excellency James Bryce having entered the meeting 


just before Dr. Everett rose to speak, he reminded the 
members that Mr. Bryce had in earlier days ascended Mt. 
Ararat in Armenia; there could be no possible question about 
the fact, but all the neighborhood, especially the members of 
the Armenian Monastery, were firm in the belief that the feat 
was impossible and absolutely denied the truth of Mr. Bryce's 

Mr. Bryce responded to the invitation of the President to 
speak and gave briefly an account of the event to which Dr. 
Everett referred. 

The President, in communicating a letter presented to 
the Society by the Hon. John Bigelow, said: 

The Hon. John Bigelow, now approaching the close of his 
ninety-first year, is the last survivor of those who during the 
War of Secession held important European diplomatic posi- 
tions. Mr. Bigelow's name also now stands first on the roll of 
Corresponding Members of the Society, he having been elected 
at the February meeting of 1875. But, though he has been 
one of our Corresponding Members for a third of a century, 
Mr. Bigelow has never, so far as I am aware, been present at 
any of our stated meetings, though here on one or two occa- 
sions when I entertained the Society. At various times, — 
the January meeting, 1886, the February meeting, 1887, and 
the February meeting, 1906, — letters from him have been 
read relating either to work which it seemed to him desirable 
should be done, or, as in one case, to certain ancient maps of 
historical interest. He has also from time to time given copies 
of books to the library, all of which appear in our accessions 
catalogue. A short time since I received from him a brief 
note, with an enclosure for submission on his account. The 
enclosure is a letter, in itself of no particular moment or inter- 
est, signed J. Hamilton, and dated at Charleston, April 2, 
1832 ; but it is addressed to the famous John Randolph of 
Roanoke. It will be remembered that Randolph died of tuber- 
cular consumption at a hotel in Philadelphia when on his way 
to England, on the 24th of May, 1833. This letter, therefore, 
reached him some thirteen months before his death, and when 
he was already suffering from the complication of ailments 
which finally killed him. At the time of his death he was a 
little less than sixty years of age. 


The writer of the letter was James Hamilton, of Charleston, 
who must have known Randolph in Washington, as both were 
members of the seventeenth to the twentieth Congresses (1823- 
1829). At the time of writing the letter in question, Hamilton 
was Governor of South Carolina. Six months later (Novem- 
ber 19, 1832) he was made President of the Nullification Con- 
vention of that State, and subsequently was appointed by 
Robert Y. Hayne, who had succeeded him as Governor, to 
the command of the State military force organized to sustain 
and enforce the nullification measures. 

The interest of the document is wholly due to the highly 
characteristic endorsement of Randolph upon it. The letter 
and endorsement are as follows : 

Charleston April 2 d 1832. 

My dear Sir. — As no news is good news I feel the utmost confi- 
dence that your recent illness has passed off at least without immedi- 
ate danger and that you are spared to us yet and I trust in God for 
many a long Year. I can not reconcile the idea of parting with you at 
all and at such an exigent moment to lose your Talents genius & 
Character would indeed be an irrepairable loss. I trust with the ap- 
proach of Spring you will continue to convalesce & be able to come 
early in the autumn to S° Carolina. I am sure one winter among us 
would put you firmly on your Legs again. 

I return through our friend Mark Alexander the Letter you were so 
kind as to write me — misdirected to the President of the United States. 
Need I tell you how much I am delighted or how grateful I feel for the 
firm & unequivocal declarations which you have made to the President 
in behalf of our S° Carolina cause which is the cause of the whole 
South. Declarations so honorable to your own firmness honesty & 

But I will not perhaps in a convalescence which may require a truce 
from politicks intrude any further on your forbearance these thorny 
topics. As soon as you are able to write let me hear from you & be 
assured My Dear Sir of the unalterable affection & regard with which 

I am faithfully & respect [fully] 

Your friend J. Hamilton. 

John Randolph Esqr 
(Of Roanoke) 

John Randolph Esq! 
of Roanoke 
Charlotte C. H. 


[Note, written over the address.] 
Hamilton, April 2, 1832 
he " feels the utmost confidence that my recent Illness has passed off." I then 
tying in extremity at Charlotte C. H. " Recent Illness i e of years standing — a 
cough of five years — gout — Hepatitis — Dyspepsia — Dropsical affection — 
ankles & legs swelled & pitting — Water threatening the chest. Unable to 
breathe except bolt upright cough remorseless & incessant unless in that posture 
& then very troublesome. Recent illness ! Words have lost their meaning 
[Additional note], 

authographe de 

J. Hamilton et de 

John Randolphe 

donne a Vattemare 

par M. a 

Raleigh, N. C. en 

Janvier 1849. 

Remarks were made during the meeting by the President, 
Arthur Lord, Andrew McFarland Davis, Grenville 
H. Norcross, and Edwin D. Mead. 

A new serial of the Proceedings, for April, May, and June, 
was ready for distribution at this meeting. 



The stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 9th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. M. ; the President in the chair. 

The record of the October meeting was read and approved ; 
and the list of donors to the Library for the last five months 
was read by the Librarian. 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported the receipt of the portrait of 
Hon. James Sullivan, first President of the Society from 1791 
to 1806, a bequest of the late Richard Sullivan ; the gift to the 
Society, by Edward Higginson, of the portrait of Hon. Stephen 
Higginson; and the gift by himself of two medals, one of 
Independence Hall, 1876, and the other of the Pan-American 
Exposition in 1901. 

Col. T. W. Higginson then said : 

I have the honor to present a 'painting, by Gilbert Stuart 
Newton, copied from the original by Stuart, now in the posses- 
sion of George Higginson, of Lenox, of my grandfather, Hon. 
Stephen Higginson, whose son, Stephen Higginson, Jr., was 
a member of this Society for nearly ten years and gave 
many volumes to its library. I recall my grandfather but 
dimly as an old gentleman in small-clothes whom I saw once 
or twice, while a child, when driven by my parents to his 
house in Brookline. That which fixed him later in my mind 
and made him an historic character to me was a single fact. 
He was a member of the Continental Congress in its last years, 
and while all his official writings have the predominant gravity 
which marks the rest of the Federalists, yet I learned from 
the only real specimen of that fine old party with whom I re- 
member to have conversed, - — James Richardson of Rhode 
Island, — of my grandfather's uttering the only jocose word 
that I ever heard attributed to any Federalist in defeat. When 
the last large gathering of this body of men was held at George 
Cabot's house in Brookline and a discussion arose as to how 
they should treat their conquerors, and when all others had 
advocated the sternest and most crushing contempt, the only 


one who took the matter philosophically was Stephen Higgin- 
son. "After all, gentlemen," he said, "if a man has to live 
in the house with a cat, he cannot always address her as i cat ' ! 
Sometimes he must call her w Pussy.' " 

To have been one of the first American ship-masters called 
on to testify before Parliament as to American colonial matters ; 
to have been a member of the Continental Congress in its clos- 
ing days ; to have been second in command during the first 
effective resistance to Shays's Rebellion ; the first to argue 
from that peril the need of a stronger government ; the first 
to surest that the voices of nine out of the thirteen States 
could make the Confederacy into a Nation; the first to organize 
and equip the American navy under Jefferson's administra- 
tion ; — these suffice to place Stephen Higginson where he be- 
longs, among the recognized leaders of his time, that being the 
period of the very formation of the American Republic. 

His memoir has accordingly been written by myself, under 
the title "Life and Times of Stephen Higginson," and will 
be found in our library. The fact that he sharply criticized 
John Hancock, in the once famous " Laco " letters, shows 
him to have been, like most of the leaders of that period, a 
frank critic of his compeers, if somewhat more spicy than the 
rest ; but the internal disputes among reformers are sometimes 
quite as interesting as the reforms themselves, and we need to 
know the limitations of our fathers by their judgments of one 

I have only to add that although this gift to the Society 
comes through me, it is actually the donation of my nephew, 
Edward Higginson, Esq., of Fall River, a member of the 
Harvard Class of 1874. 

Dr. Green read a statement descriptive of the portrait of 
James Sullivan, and relative to the bequest: 

I have received from Edward B. Townsend, executor of the 
estate of the late Richard Sullivan, the portrait of James Sulli- 
van, one of the founders and first president of the Historical 
Society. It was painted by Gilbert Stuart in the year 1807; 
and many years ago it was deposited temporarily with the 
Society by the owner Mr. Sullivan, a grandson. When the 
former building at No. 30 Tremont Street was dedicated in 
April, 1873, the portrait was placed in the small room on the 


right at the head of the stairs, then called the Presidents' 
room, as the portraits of several of the former presidents were 
hung there. At a later period this room was used for the 
catalogue cards, and thus became known as the catalogue 
room. Here the painting remained until April 28, 1880, when 
at the request of the owner it was delivered to the Museum of 
Fine Arts to be exhibited there during the next month with 
a large collection of other paintings by Stuart. James Sulli- 
van afterward was chosen Governor of the Commonwealth, 
and died while in office on December 10, 1808. Richard 
Sullivan, who bequeathed the portrait, died in Boston, on 
September 30, 1908. More than once he has told me that 
the Historical Society would eventually become the owner, and 
now his last will and testament has made good this statement. 

Dr. Green communicated the memoir of Abbott Lawrence, 
which he had been appointed to prepare. 

Dr. Green also presented, on behalf of Mr. Sanborn, the 
following paper relating to his recent discovery of a collection 
of Weare papers: 

Next in importance to the Winthrop and Mather papers, 
and Bradford's long-lost History, the papers of the Weare 
family of New Hampshire, if they could be fully recovered, 
would connect two sundered parts of New England history 
together. They began to be scattered long ago. When Dr. 
Belknap tried to use them for his valuable book on New 
Hampshire, the last eminent member of the family, Colonel 
Meshech Weare of Hampton Falls, Governor and Chief Jus- 
tice of New Hampshire, informed Rev. Paine Wingate, a pre- 
decessor of President Langdon in the parish of Hampton Falls, 
that his grandfather's papers had some of them been lost be- 
fore they came into the Colonel's hands. Mr. Wingate wrote 
to Dr. Belknap, October 23, 1775: 

Agreeable to your request have applyed to Col. Weare for papers of 
his ancestor, N. Weare, who has searched among his papers, and found 
several, which I have transmitted to you with this letter in a bundle 
containing thirty numbers. . . . He has sent you all he cou'd find, & 
numbered them, not in any exact order, but principly to keep them from 
being scattered, which he desires you will return to him at some con- 
venient opportunity. 1 

1 6 Collections, iv. 93. 


These thirty papers were doubtless returned to Colonel 
Weare, since some of them passed into the possession of his 
son Nathaniel Weare of Deerfield, New Hampshire, where 
they remained until a few years ago. Several of the Revolu- 
tionary papers of Colonel Weare are now in the Library of our 
Society. Others remained in the custody of Nathaniel Weare 
of Deerfield, and were sold in 1869 along with the old house 
of this son of Colonel Weare, — the purchaser being Mr. Cram 
of Deerfleld, whose son, Dr. John W. Cram of Coleraine, now 
holds them. After buying the house and all its contents, Dr. 
Cram's father found in the attic what he describes as " a half- 
bushel of old papers." 

Mrs. Cram wrote me, on November 6, that there are at 
least five hundred papers ; 1 that much of the writing is difficult 
to decipher, in some cases impossible. There is one paper of 
which she could not read enough to tell what it is. This 
paper is four long pages, closely written, in a hand not later 
than 1685, which makes about seven printed pages in the first 
volume (525-532) of the* New Hampshire "Provincial Papers," 
— evidently the second sheet of the long letter of William 
Vaughan of Portsmouth (an apprentice-merchant in London 
with Sir Josiah Child, the great banker, whom Vaughan calls 
" my master "), and in New Hampshire an important person, 
son-in-law of the rich merchant Richard Cutt, and of the 
Council. This letter was dated at Portsmouth on February 4, 
1683-84, and was sent to Nathaniel Weare, agent in London 
of the oppressed colonists in the four towns of New Hamp- 
shire, whose petition for redress Weare carried with him signed 
by two hundred and nineteen colonists. Vaughan's letter 
gives the acts of oppression, day by day, from February 4 to 
April 17, 1684, and this copy of a portion of the letter seems 
to be in Weare's handwriting, if we may judge by the spelling, 
as given below : 

This Day e [March 15] ye secretary was in a grete Raidge ; Turned 
oute of all his offises exepte secretary to ye Counsel! (an emty name 

1 These were papers mostly of four generations, Nathaniel, Nathaniel, 
Meshech, and Nathaniel of Deerfield, New Hampshire. About fifty of them 
were public papers, — muster-rolls of Colonel Weare's regiment, letters relating 
to the Revolutionary War, papers of Richard Weare and his soldiers, printed 
acts, treaties, votes, etc. Nearly half of the papers include those relating to 
land titles, wills, etc., in or near Hampton Falls, from 1690 to 1805. 


Littell proffite), and the bookes sente for oute of his hands, hee is 

Mutch Conserned and Dejected 

I am credeble informed and you Maye beleve it, yt ye Governor Did 

in ye open Counsell yesterdaye saye and sware Dredfully yt hee would 

putt ye provines in to ye Greateste Confussion and Distractyon hee 

could Possible & Then goe awaye and leve Them so & then the Devell 

take them all. 

hee allso then said that m r Masson said hee would Drive them into a 

second Rebellyon, but himselfe would Doe it before 

and I wonder hee has not sutch actinges are the Redy waye but God 

hath Kepte us hether to and I hoope hee will Doe still Hee allso said 

and swore yt Anny Person yt should have anny Manner of Converse 

with us or Anny of our Minds, hee would Count them his utter Enemies 

and Carry Towards y m as such 

No wonder Mrs. Cram could not decipher this, as all will 
say who see the manuscript. The copy made, as Farmer sug- 
gests, by President Weare, one hundred and thirty years ago, 
must have been by one familiar with the chirography and 
spelling of the original letter of Vaughan's, which now seems 
to have been printed from a copy in the handwriting of Colonel 
Weare. She goes on to say, in substance : 

The paper in regard to Robert Mason and Cranfield seems to be the 
petition of the people of Exeter, etc., and gives the number of the 
people who signed it, — thirty-four from Exeter, sixty-seven from 
Hampton, sixty from Portsmouth, and fifty-eight from Dover. It 
also gives the names of many men who made depositions ; but the last 
page, that had the names of the signers, has gone, with the first page. 
There are hundreds of papers of deeds, bills, etc., and a good many 
war-papers, — lists of troops, proclamations, etc. There is the last will 
of Meshech Weare, and his royal commission as colonel. I find about 
thirty letters dated from 1775 to 1802. None are from Nathaniel 
Weare of Deerfield, but most of them are to him, from relatives. A 
number are from his brother, who was with the patriot army, and are 
from Saratoga, West Point, etc. One is from Meshech Weare to his 
wife. I have found nothing so far, bearing the name of Gove. I think 
the Exeter petition is in Weare's handwriting. 

The find is an important one, and the New Hampshire au- 
thorities are looking after it, with a view to acquiring the 

The Nathaniel Weare to whom this letter of William 
Vaughan was sent, was born in England, in 1631, probably 


at Wear-Gifford in Devon, the son of Nathaniel, who remained 
at home, a son of the gentle family of Weare in that hamlet 
and a younger brother of the Peter Weare who appears among 
the early settlers and Indian traders of York in Maine. Our 
New Hampshire Nathaniel first settled in Newbury, where in 
1656 he married Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Swayne. He 
lived there until 1662, when he removed to Hampton Falls, 
upon land granted him by his father-in-law, who had gone to 
Nantucket. Mrs. Weare died in 1712, and her husband in 
1718, after holding all the local offices except that of royal 
Governor. He was twice the agent of the colonists in London 
to bring charges against the tyrannical Governor, Cranfield, 
and to attend other suits appealed to England in the long quit- 
rent controversy with Robert Mason concerning his ownership 
of lands in New Hampshire. 

In his first agency he left Hampton for Boston privately, in 
company with Vaughan, and sailed from Boston in January, 
1684, while a suit was pending against him for taxes in Hamp- 
ton, which then included Hampton Falls and Seabrook. In 
the April following, according to this same long letter of 
Vaughan's, his son Peter, then twenty-three years old, was 
arrested upon execution for the tax levy, and this scene 
followed : 

No tongue can tell the horrible imperiousness and domineering car- 
riage of that wretch [Thurton] . . . 

Matthews and Thurton were sent to Hampton . . . arrested seven, 
. . . executed upon William Sanborn, took four oxen, which were re- 
deemed by money, drove away seven cows from Nathaniel Bachiler, 
went to your house ; met your son Peter going with his four oxen into 
the woods, commanded him to turn the oxen home ; he would not ; they 
cursed, swore, drew upon him, threatened to run him through, beat 
him, but he did not strike again. They came to your house, were shut 
out, your wife fearfully scared for fear of her son who was out with 
them. At length she let them in, laid three pounds on the table which 
they took, and then levied on several young cattle, but released and left 
them. Your son came hither to advise, but complaining is bootless, 
such a dismal case are we in. 1 

Upon the 2d of January, 1685, this " wretch " had a taste 
of what others could do in the way of "horrible imperious- 
ness." He testified that he was thrown down, tied hand and 
1 New Hampshire Provincial Papers, i. 532, 533. 


foot, had his sword taken away, with four pounds in money ; 
then two persons, Joseph Perkins and Jacob Bassford, living 
in Hampton, not far from the Bachiler farm where Daniel 
Webster's grandmother, Susanna Bachiler, was born, took the 
officer in charge, untied his legs and drove him along the 
causeway toward Seabrook and Salisbury. Thurston in his 
deposition sa} r s : 

said persons did grievously beat him, upon which this deponent cried 
murder in the hearing and seeing of several persons on horseback, about 
nine at night, inhabitants of Hampton, but not any one did rescue him 
out of their hands. Then a person coming from the town of Hampton, 
supposed to be a stranger, upon a horse, the aforesaid Perkins and 
Bassford said, " Stand, you dog — come not near at your peril ! " Then 
one of them, to wit, Perkins, went to that man, seemingly to whisper 
to him, and then the stranger and Perkins came up to this deponent, 
and Perkins and Bassford said, " We press your horse for his Majesty's 
service, and we have a commission for it ; " at which the stranger said, 
" What hath this man done ? " Perkins and the other replied, " He 
was a rogue and thief, and would not go." And then, his hands and 
legs being tied, they flung him, . . . across the horse, and in that 
manner carried him about a quarter of a mile. And this deponent, be- 
ing in extreme pain and near death, it being, beside, a very cold, frosty 
night, he did pray those persons, for the sake of God, to let him ride 
upon the horse, and then let them carry him where they pleased. 
Afterward, they untied his legs and let him ride upon their horse, his 
legs tied under the horse's belly, and carried him out of the Province, 
there being two other persons that followed on horseback some distance 
all the way, and kept him in custody at the house of one Smith, be- 
longing to the town of Salisbury, under the jurisdiction of the Massa- 
chusetts government, about forty hours, and then left him ; and that 
the next day, being Saturday, about eight in the morning, he did see 
Samuel Sherborn and Jonathan Wedgewood, in the town of Salisbury, 
riding by the house of the said Smith. 1 

The inference is strong that these two Hampton men were 
the two horsemen that followed the unwilling cavalier at some 
distance, and that the " stranger " was their confederate, who 
had allowed his horse to be " pressed" and had gone home to 
Hampton on foot. During these violent proceedings, Weare 

1 New Hampshire Provincial Papers, i. 554. The name Barefoot in the 
original is correctly printed here Bassford. Belknap and others misread Bass- 
ford's name. No Barefoot, except Walter, ever lived in New Hampshire. 


was in London, pressing the case against Cranfield, who was 
soon forced to resign ; and my ancestor, Edward Gove, a neigh- 
bor of Weare, was lying in the Tower of London under sen- 
tence of death for treason, while his estate in Seabrook was 
confiscated, and Cranfield had pocketed his share of the pro- 
ceeds. Before Weare returned home, Gove was pardoned by 
the new king, James II., at the instance of Lord Halifax and 
Weare, and in 1686 his estate was restored to him, and he died 
in his own house, after nearly three years in the Tower. 

It is probable that the newly found papers contain some 
mention of Gove ; but the papers in his case were obtained by 
Ebenezer Hazard, the correspondent of Belknap, as early as 

1781, and were lent by him to Belknap for use in his "History 
of New Hampshire." Belknap, returning them, March 20 9 

1782, writes: 

From the evidence at his trial (which I have at large) his actions 
amounted to a riot; but to indict him for treason, and hurry on his trial 
as they did, with the sentence, imprisonment, confiscation, and trans- 
portation that followed, was cruel and scandalous. ... I know one of 
his grandsons, who was a very warm brother in the time of the Stamp 
Act, ... I fancy he is a chip of the old block. 1 

The President announced that, in accordance with Article 
4, Chapter XIIL, of the By-Laws, the Council had appointed 
Mr. Worthington C. Ford to be " immediately responsible for 
the proper editing of all volumes, whether of Collections or 
Proceedings, the supervision of the Society's copyists, and the 
adequate preparation of all material intended for the press"; 
and that Mr. Ford would enter upon the discharge of his 
duties at the beginning of January next. 

The President also announced that the commemoration of 
the tercentenary of the birth of John Milton by the Society 
would be a Boston celebration of the event; that as such it 
would be public and be held in the First Church edifice on 
Berkeley Street, on December 9, taking the place of the regu- 
lar monthly meeting of the Society ; and further that the 
Council had appointed Mr. Norcross and Mr. Mead to co- 
operate with him as a committee to arrange the details of the 

1 5 Collections, ii. 122, 123. 


The President then said : 

With a deep sense of personal loss, I announce the death of 
our associate Charles Eliot Norton. He died in the early 
morning hours of Wednesday, October 21, in the house in Cam- 
bridge in which he was born, November 16, 1827. Chosen a 
Resident Member of the Society at the June meeting of 1860, 
Professor Norton had at the time of his death rounded out 
over forty-eight years of association with us ; and, since the 
death of Dr. Paige in September, 1896, his name had in order 
of seniority stood second on our roll. Dr. Hale, chosen seven 
months only after Professor Norton, now takes the place thus 

Of Professor Norton, his character, his work, and his ideals, 
it is not for me now and here to speak. Leaving this to others, 
I shall, in accordance with our usage in these cases, strictly 
confine myself to a statement of his active connection with the 
Society, his contributions to its collections and the part taken 
by him in our proceedings. In the first place, however, let 
me premise that Professor Norton was neither an historian nor, 
strictly speaking, an historical investigator. Chosen into the 
Society at a comparatively early age, and most fitty, but on 
general considerations, while the editor of many publications 
not without historical connection and value, he was essentially 
the exponent of culture. His was the great field of art, of 
taste and discrimination. He judged of things, not from the 
historical point of view, but morally and 8estheticall} r . His 
standards were high, his sympathies wide, his criticism catho- 
lic rather than hard, his taste delicate. A man of refine- 
ment, he was in his every fibre a gentleman. He, too, had 
Character. 1 

Chosen a member in the heat and amid the tumult of the 
presidential canvass which resulted in the first election of Abra- 
ham Lincoln and culminated in the Civil War, Mr. Norton died 
just as the similar canvass of the present year, very differ- 
ent in its issues and outcome, was drawing to a close. His 
membership thus covered a period destined to loom large in 
history ; and in all its occurrences and developments, whether 
here or in Europe and the older eastern world, Professor 
Norton ever took a keen and intelligent interest : but he did 

1 2 Proceedings, viii. 408; xi. 104. 


not frequently write of them from any historical point of view. 
Otherwise actively occupied during the years of our Civil War 
(1861-1865), only three times does his name appear in connec- 
tion with either our proceedings or our publications of that 
period. One of these occasions also is obviously connected with 
the interest he took in the struggle then in progress ; for, at the 
meeting of August 14, 1862, he moved the appointment of a 
special committee to print Mr. George Livermore's exhaustive 
paper, then recently submitted to the Society, entitled "An 
Historical Research respecting the Opinions of the Founders 
of the Republic on Negroes as Slaves, as Citizens, and as 
Soldiers." 1 A little more than a year later, June 11, 1863, 
he communicated extracts from an Orderly Book of the Revo- 
lutionary Army; also a letter of Washington to Joseph Reed, 
dated June 23, 1777. 2 

At the Annual Meeting of April, 1864, Mr. Norton, as he 
then was, was chosen a member of the Standing Committee 
of the Council. As such, he served one year. During the six 
following years his name does not appear as a contributor. In 
1870, however, the President communicated a letter from Mr. 
Norton relative to the photographic copies of three letters of 
Columbus presented by him at the preceding meeting. 3 In the 
years that ensued up to 1882 he made various gifts, and sub- 
mitted several communications. Among the gifts was a cast in 
plaster of the face of Cromwell taken from the original Thomas 
Carlyle mask, thought to be the best likeness of the great 
Protector. In doing so he read to the Society a letter from 
Carlyle in relation to this mask. 4 At the May meeting, 1882, 
he communicated extracts from letters from Charles Darwin 
to himself, containing interesting facts about the friendship 
which had existed between Benjamin Franklin and Darwin's 
father. 5 

There is no record of Professor Norton in connection with 
the proceedings of the Society during the following thirteen 
years. At the meeting in October, 1895, mention is made of 
a tribute he then paid to William W. Story, his life-long 
friend; and again, in January, 1902, he submitted a paper on 
Mr. Story at the meeting at which the bust of Mr. Story, now 
in the vestibule of this building, was presented to the Society 

i 1 Proceedings, vi. 86-248; 2 vii. 132-138. 

3 1 Proceedings, xi. 197, 223, 224; 4 xiii. 450; 5 xix. 311, 312. 


by the artist's son. 1 At the May meeting, 1903, Professor 
Norton presented copies of eighty-one letters addressed to 
Richard Price by various correspondents of high distinction, 
from 1767 to 1790, and rich in contemporaneous accounts of 
important events. They appear in our printed Proceedings. 2 
His last appearance here was in February, a year ago, when 
he favored the Society with remarks suggested by the ap- 
proaching centennial of the birth of his intimate friend of many 
years, the poet Longfellow. 

Numerous other references to incidental remarks made by 
Professor Norton at meetings of the Society are to be found ; 
but they were never reduced to writing, and consequently do 
not appear in our published Proceedings. The accessions book 
of the Society also contains entries recording many gifts made 
by him to the Library. 

This record has a meagre sound ; it will, however, be con- 
ceded by all who have taken an active interest in the Society, 
and in what has transpired whether in this room or in the 
similar Dowse room in Tremont Street, during the last thirty 
years, that Mr. Norton is fairly numbered among our most use- 
ful as well as influential members. His death creates a void 
in our ranks not likely soon to be made good. His direct ac- 
tivities did not count perhaps as large in connection with our 
work ; but it will be long before we cease to feel the absence of 
that weight which was insensibly given here to his character 
and standing, emphasizing his every utterance. 

Professor Wendell said that before he had been called on 
to pay tribute here to the memory of Professor Norton, he had 
prepared a memoir of him for publication elsewhere. Instead 
of repeating or paraphrasing this, he asked leave to read a 
portion of it suitable to this occasion. After premising that 
the earlier passages were somewhat anecdotic and tended to 
set forth the inspiring quality of Professor Norton's friend- 
ship among the students who had come within his influence, 
he proceeded as follows : 

That way lay the power most wonderfully his, — not in 
creation, not in isolation of conscientious standard, not even 
in unswerving faithfulness to unrelinquished ideals. Apart 

i 2 Proceedings, xv. 368-371 ; 2 xvii. 262-378. 


as his spirit may sometimes have seemed to linger from the 
inexorable infirmities of earthly circumstance, fantastic or at 
best fastidious as the sesthetic purity of its aspiration may 
sometimes have made it appear, its unique force sprang from 
its faculty of communion. This was constantly shown at 
Harvard in his relations with the students who sat under 
his teaching, or with little groups who knew the inspiration 
of his encouragement. Had it gone no further, the presence 
of him on earth would have been justified. And yet, in times 
to come, every trace of his academic career may fade from 
human memory without menace to the endurance of his fame. 
We have only to remember the tributes paid him far and wide 
when they bore him to his grave, a little while ago, in the 
eighty-first year of his age. Hardly a child in the English- 
speaking world but has thus been reminded how, throughout 
his time, he was greatly and equally the friend of men them- 
selves held great. 

Inevitably this must sometimes have seemed to imply in 
him some shade rather of weakness than of strength. Carlyle, 
Ruskin, Matthew Arnold, and Rudyard Kipling have creative 
individuality, beyond peradventure, each in his peculiar way ; 
so, in our own country, have Emerson, and Longfellow, and 
Lowell, and Howells. Godkin had it, and George William 
Curtis ; Arthur Clough and Leslie Stephen. The names come 
at random ; the list of his friends might lengthen long, and 
never unworthily. Throughout, it would remind us of their 
achievements, so various that we may well marvel how he 
could reconcile such excellent divergences in the happy com- 
munion of his friendship. Uncompromising though he were, 
we can begin to feel him nobly flexible in his generous recog- 
nition of aspiration. To the present through which he lived 
he was at once as severe and as open-hearted as to the past 
which he taught himself so comprehensively to understand. 
In both alike he sought excellence ; in both he gave it 
greeting sure to evoke loyal response, from the admirers of 
the dead, and from the hearts of the living. No man ever 
dwelt amid a nobler company. When we repeat their names, 
and utter his beside them, it is no marvel that theirs sound 
the more memorable ; that his, sweet and pure though the 
note of it be, sounds in some manner secondary. 

So let it stay, if you will ; yet there is another side to all 


this. Of the past, such reflection must forever seem recur- 
rently true. The human generations can never quite lose 
that piety which makes each believe itself of lesser stature 
than the fathers. But if we ponder, for never so short a 
while, on the fifty years of his maturity, we can hardly fail 
to perceive that throughout them he was unique, at least 
in England and America. To tell why, we may best turn, 
perhaps, to the analogy of music. Grant that others than he 
struck the higher notes, instantly accosting the ear, vibrating 
clearest in memory. Liken his part, if you will, to that of one 
who should sustain pure notes or melodies, themselves almost 
wavering into thinness, with firm and vibrant undertones. 
Recognize that enduring spiritual harmonies demand the full 
strength of such undertones, to uphold the seemingly higher 
strains, dominant by reason of their distinctness rather than 
of their volume. Reverently admit that we need both players 
alike, neither sufficient alone. And then, turning back from 
the mist of metaphor, remember how many utterances, various 
in all things but nobility of aspiration, were sustained, all his 
life long, by the vibrant undertone of his friendship. Seek, and 
you shall not find a single one, among the seemingly greater 
about him, ignobly distorted by his companionship ; seek, 
and you shall find almost all happily the stronger for it. If 
a life like his have not true greatness, of its own gracious 
kind, then there has never been any approach to greatness in 
our modern world. For it was given to him to sound far and 
wide the noblest undertones of our ancestral spirit throughout 
the culminating period of the nineteenth century. 

Those three words — our ancestral spirit — bring us home 
to our New England, where he was born, and lived, and died 
in his father's house, itself embodying the simplicity and the 
dignity of the generation ancestral to him. The spirit would 
not be ours if it were ours alone. There are fibres of it filming 
from the primal glory of Greece and from the imperial grandeur 
of Rome. Intermingled with them are fibres from the cloudy 
and fiery antiquity of the Hebrews, and from the divine hu- 
manity of Christian story. There is barbarian strength and 
candor in it as well; and all the mystic aspiration of the 
Middle Ages, striving towards the unearthly realization of a 
Holy Roman Empire. Chivalry has part in it, and saint- 
hood ; Normans, too, have theirs, and Saxons, and Celts. 


The Renaissance has thrilled it with culture, wakened from 
the sleep of a thousand years. The Reformation has stirred 
its depths, with tremendous faith that human sight may pene- 
trate the veil which enshrouds divinity. Together these forces 
surged throughout the England of Queen Elizabeth. 

And then our New England was planted, rude and solitary 
in its beginnings, a seed on the coasts of a continent unsub- 
dued to the use of man. And it stayed rooted through genera- 
tions aspiring towards righteousness with all the concentration 
of faithfully accepted Puritanism. Theocracy struggled and 
fell. The Revolution severed us from the Mother Country. 
Our Federal Republic was born, and grew, and strengthened. 
New England, still remote and narrow, persevered in righteous 
purpose ; and from the seed of its persistent leaders there had 
come unperceived into being a race for a little while apart. 
Then, with the full nineteenth century, came the season of its 
efflorescence, and, if so must be, of its passing. Theology 
broke free from ancient shackles. For a while hope ran high 
that enfranchisement of the spirit should bring enduring en- 
lightenment to all the future. - 

The whole nineteenth centur}^ is history now, like the cen- 
turies before it. To the world at large, the story of it stretches 
so vast that our New England, aspiring and fated, may soon 
fade forgotten. To us, the while, lingering in these parts, and 
to our children's children, the spirit of New England stays, 
and shall stay, ancestral — a noble sequel to the phases of the 
spirit from which its life was drawn, a noble forerunner, like 
each of them, for the still unrevealed spirit of the days to 
come. For us the nineteenth century of New England has 
unique virtue. Even though the men who embodied it may 
never loom great in the full story of humanity, the loftier 
among them, bred through generations of aspiring leadership, 
attained a height of distinction rare throughout human record. 
It was not only that in their final ripeness they had gentle 
distinction of bodily presence. More still, they were graced 
with the ineffable distinction of spiritual purity. That is 
what our ancestral spirit means to us of New England. From 
the heart of it came the vibrant certainty of Norton's marvellous 

Mr. Storey spoke of Professor Norton as follows : 


I can hope to add but little to what has been said so well, 
but I would not be altogether silent, for I had the highest re- 
spect and the warmest regard for Mr. Norton. His death 
takes from us a figure of rare distinction and severs almost 
the last link between the present day and the Golden Age of 
New England. The half-century which began in 1830 was a 
period of peculiar intellectual and moral ferment on both sides 
of the oeeau, and it was especially fruitful in this community. 
It was then that Emerson " kept burning the beacon of an 
ideal life above our lower region of turmoil"; that Sumner, 
Phillips, Lowell, Whittier, and Theodore Parker were battling 
for freedom ; that Hawthorne was telling his wonderful stories, 
and Holmes was delighting us with his poetry, his humor, and 
his charming philosophy. In England Carlyle, Ruskin, Cob- 
den, Bright, and many another were fighting for reform, and 
the air in Europe was full of revolution. It was a period rich 
in statesmen, orators, scholars, poets, novelists, and thinkers 
whose names will occur to you all. It was a fortunate time 
in which to live. 

Mr. Norton entered fully into the life of his day. Happy 
in his birth, he inherited a taste for literature and art, a sym- 
pathy with high thinking, and he was nurtured in an atmos- 
phere which developed his tastes and sympathies. He had a 
natural genius for friendship, and few men of his day had so 
close an acquaintance with the best in America and England. 
Carlyle and Ruskin, Emerson, Lowell, Curtis, Schurz, Godkin, 
and a host of others were his friends, and he was in thorough 
sympathy with their aims. He was a scholar, a critic, a 
teacher, a lover of truth. He saw clearly, and he could not 
help maintaining his ideals. He stated the truth as he saw 
it, forcibly, but temperately, and he never descended to 
personality or vituperation. He had rare moral courage and 
never shrank from speaking for fear of any consequence to 

He was a firm believer in democracy and he never faltered 
in supporting it. During the Civil War his pen and his 
counsel rendered important service to the country. His aid 
and advice helped largely to found and maintain " The 
Nation," which has done so much to uphold high standards 
in politics and literature. When the Spanish War ended, he 
was among the first to insist that victory should not tempt us 


to abandon our principles, and he opposed the Philippine 
policy of the Republican party to the last. 

As a teacher at Harvard he strove unceasingly to cultivate 
in his pupils pure tastes, high ambitions, and the desire for 
what is best in life, and through them he made an enduring 
impression upon the next generation. 

As a friend he was always wise in counsel, sympathetic and 
helpful. His conversation was enriched by the results of ex- 
tended travel, varied acquaintance with men, and great read- 
ing, and no one was a more delightful companion. He carried 
with him an atmosphere of serenity and simplicity which was 
yet inspiring, for he spoke with assured faith and not with 
doubt or despair. It is not surprising that under his roof 
were to be found the choicest spirits who visited or dwelt in 
this neighborhood. 

He was a man of great public spirit, sincere, brave, and 
courteous. He belonged to a group of remarkable men, the 
intellectual and moral leaders of their time, of whom he was 
almost the last survivor. With him passes away a fine type 
of the best that New England can produce, and a voice is 
stilled that in a material age has never ceased to plead for the 
highest ideals of politics, of conduct, and of life. We mourn 
an irreparable loss. 

William Endicott then told of Professor Norton's devoted 
work in connection with the New England Loyal Publication 

Society : 

I am asked to say a few words about a part of the life of our 
late associate which is very little known to the present genera- 
tion ; and, while not the most distinguished part, it was one 
which he always regarded with peculiar satisfaction. I refer 
to his connection with the New England Loyal Publication 
Society during the years of the Civil War and a short time 

In friendly cooperation with a similar organization in New 
York, the two societies were formed in 1862. The purpose 
was to influence public opinion throughout the country, avoid- 
ing partisan bias, in favor of all loyal efforts for the suppression 
of the Rebellion, strengthening the government in its war 
policies and financial measures, and encouraging all efforts 
tending to the abolition of slavery. 


The work of the New York society was mainly in the pub- 
lication and largely gratuitous circulation of documents, re- 
ports, and speeches ; while the Boston society undertook to 
tone up the loyal sentiment of the North and West through 
the newspaper press, by the publication of a broadside each 
week which was regularly sent to nine hundred newspapers 
with full permission, after giving credit for extracts from other 
papers, to use all original matter as editorial without giving 
credit for it. In this way the editor of the broadsides was 
practically editing a large portion of the country press. The 
papers were required to send copies to the Boston office ; and 
it was not unusual to find six or eight and sometimes a dozen 
of our contributions in a single paper. The office was in 
Studio Building, corner of Tremont and Bromfield streets. 

The officers of the Society were John M. Forbes, president, 
William Endicott, Jr., treasurer, James B. Thayer, secretary, 
and the executive committee, Charles Eliot Norton, Edward 
Atkinson, Martin Brimmer, Edward E. Hale, Henry B. Rogers, 
William B. Rogers, and Samuel G. Ward. Contributions were 
welcomed from any source, but the laboring oar was held by 
Mr. Norton as editor, who, beside contributing largely of his 
own writings, decided what should appear in the weekly 

The newspapers that were sent to the office were carefully 
scanned to keep in touch with the currents of public opinion, 
especially at the West, and to get suggestions for subjects for 
the next broadside. Much of this latter work was done by 
James B. Thayer, then a young man, later Professor in the 
Law School of Harvard University. I remember also that 
Professor Francis J. Child, of Cambridge, was much interested 
and was frequently at the office with contributions of his own. 
Of course this was entirely gratuitous service on the part of 
these gentlemen ; and it involved a great deal of work, espe- 
cially for Mr. Norton, who devoted to it a large portion of his 
time for about four years. 

There can be no question, I think, as to the value of this 
service and its important influence in moulding the public 
opinion of the North, which President Lincoln watched so 
carefully and which he so much desired to push him along in 
his carefully considered path. The quality of these weekly 
contributions was vastly superior to anything which the editors 


could write ; and, as they must have been read by some hun- 
dreds of thousands each week, it is evident that so much is 
seldom accomplished at so small a cost, which was but four or 
five thousand dollars a year, contributed by subscriptions from 
loyal citizens. 

A few years ago Professor Norton deposited his collection 
of broadsides in the Boston Public Library. Our library con- 
tains a set, nearly complete; and another set is in the Library 
of Congress, Washington. 

Throughout his long life Professor Norton continued to 
maintain an active interest in public affairs. He held strong 
convictions on all subjects, and did not hesitate to express 
them freely, whether in accordance with, or contrary to, the 
current opinion of the time. The country is the poorer when 
so devoted and so patriotic a citizen drops out of the grand 

Rev. Dr. Hale, who was unavoidably absent, sent the fol- 
lowing memorandum about Professor Norton's work during 
the Civil War: 

No man did more solid work for the Republic in the days 
of trial than Mr. Norton did in editing the weekly issues of 
the New England Loyal Publication Society. Mrs. Hughes 
has given a full account of this little society in her memoirs of 
John Murray Forbes, who founded it. She says, " My father 
used to say that he accomplished more in this way than in 
any other during the war"; and she says "in its practical 
management the whole thing gradually grew into a regular 
publication issued once a week. This was under the charge 
of Mr. C. E. Norton, now Professor Norton of Harvard 

Mr. Forbes had been in the habit, in his own office, of send- 
ing out hundreds of printed slips for patriotic purposes, all 
over the country, and through Governor Andrew to the Army. 
This work became too much for a man as busy as he was, and 
he formed this society. The executive committee used to 
meet at the house of Martin Brimmer. More than once, un- 
less my memory fails me, certainly once, Ralph Waldo Emer- 
son met with us. The committee determined that once a 
week a broadside should be sent to newspapers in the northern 


States, or wherever else they would be of use. Each of these 
broadsides was, in fact, a newspaper, printed on one side only, 
so that the scissors could be used without difficulty. It con- 
tained short articles and long, original and selected, such as 
Mr. Norton, the editor, thought might serve the purpose of 
the editors who should receive them, for transfers to their own 
journals. The broadside had no subscribers and was sent 
gratuitously. A hard-pressed editor in the country, who 
wanted to fill ten lines, could cut out ten lines which were 
ready for him ; or, if there were columns to fill, there were col- 
umns ready. If by some strange accident our English friends 
of that day said the right thing, that would be reprinted in the 
broadside ; or, if Mr. Emerson wrote a good article, Mr. Norton 
would print it. 

I am afraid he did not use for general circulation a capital 
paper by Mr. Emerson, written for the Connecticut canvass of 
1863. It is worth remembering that the New England Plato 
was not above active interference of this sort with the work of 
the time. It would not do to say that Mr. Norton edited the 
local press of the northern States for the last two years of the 
war. But his contributions to it, whether original or selected, 
were beyond doubt much larger than those of any other single 
man. The New England Loyal Publication Society proved 
its usefulness ; and to Mr. Forbes and to Mr. Norton the 
credit for its great work is largely due. 

Col. T. W. Higginson then spoke of the lessons taught and 
the lessons learned by Professor Norton : 

I have been invited to say something this afternoon in regard 
to one of our oldest and most distinguished fellow members 
and my earliest playmate and friend, the late Charles Eliot 
Norton. Much has already been written about him from dif- 
ferent sources, — the fullest delineator of his life and services 
having been one of our own members. I shall not, therefore, 
take up much of your time and shall devote that little wholly 
to a point of view which has not yet, as I think, been handled 
by any one. We have chiefly given our attention, as was 
right, to what Norton did for his country, but something needs 
now to be said in turn for that which this country did, in the 
meanwhile, for him. 



The day has always been strongly fixed in my mind, al- 
though I cannot give the precise date of it, when I resumed 
acquaintance in maturity with my childish playmate and found 
him sitting beside me after twenty-five years or more of sepa- 
ration, at a public dinner, probably in Boston. He had but 
lately returned from Europe, in 1855, I think, to become a 
permanent resident, not having yet attained prominence as a 
public leader. During these years of absence he had been 
mainly in foreign countries, and I had not yet crossed the 
ocean, so that we were soon comparing notes. I remember 
vividly this conversation. He took very strongly the ground 
that this nation was the most interesting place in the world 
in which to live, were it only for the sake of seeing the mass 
of people comfortable, probably more so as a whole than any 
nation in the world had ever been. The drawback was, he 
went on to say, that the American continent was not destined 
to achieve any distinction at any time in literature or in art. 
When I asked why not, he tranquilly said that it would be a 
geographical impossibility. No nation on the American conti- 
nent which stretched from the Atlantic to the Pacific could 
ever be intellectually great, but only physically comfortable. 
For science and art, he said, we must look to countries pene- 
trated by gulfs, bays, and rivers, and interrupted by moun- 
tains, so that all could communicate easily with each other as 
in Europe. Here, on the other hand, was a vast continent 
not provided with such internal communications except to a 
very limited extent and separated by a whole ocean from all 
European countries ; while in those countries opportunities for 
mutual intercourse were abundant. Here, on the contrary, 
there was* only a wide interior region, as yet uninhabited, ex- 
cept by savages and much of it probably a desert and destined 
to remain such. This appeared to be his sole point of view at 
that day. How shall we explain the fact ? 

We shall begin to understand it by remembering the state- 
ment made by Charles Godfrey Leland that in the year 1848, 
which was somewhat before the time of my talk with Norton, 
it had taken him (Leland) forty-three days to cross the At- 
lantic on an ordinary voyage; that tells a large part of the 
story. Now it takes less than a week to cross the ocean, and not 
much longer than this to cross the continent. It was long after 
this before Emerson made his partially consoling suggestion, 


u Europe stretches to the Alleghanies." There was, however, 
a period when Emerson himself, in his first lecturing tour in 
what was then called the Far West, found printed on the 
tickets of admission at one place, " Tickets to Emerson and the 
ball, one dollar," so that men, women, and children coming 
from long distances could all have something to amuse them. 
It was at a period when I saw a handbill printed in Indiana 
in which Mr. J. Jackson offered to read Hamlet for twenty- 
five cents, ladies free, with the understanding that after the 
reading he would develop a plan for the formation of a company 
for the manufacture of silk handkerchiefs, and would relate 
some incidents of his early life in connection with "this par- 
ticular article.' , Norton's limitation was that he was speaking 
more than ten years in advance of the first overland railway 
train, which crossed in 1869 ; and Gail Hamilton was more 
foreseeing than he when she said that " if there were never 
to be railroads, it would have been a real impertinence for 
Columbus to have discovered this continent." 

All this truth was for Norton to discover, and he lived to 
show that he had done just that, and accepted so nobly the work 
devolving upon him that he stayed in his native land for the 
rest of his life with only one brief absence. He even went so 
magnificently and almost incredibly far as to write to a western 
friend, when in his eightieth year, that if his life were to be 
lived again, he thought that he should like to live it in Chicago, 
because he seemed to see working there, in all the welter of 
vulgarity and commercialism, a power for good that would in 
time come to its own. Words of more utter self-devotion 
than this, I suspect, none of his early playmates could rival : 
I know one of them who never got so far ; but such were 
Norton's words. The New World had learned much from 
him and in its turn had taught him much. With all his 
varied and delightful culture, the more we study this man's 
career, the more we find it based on the simplest and clearest 
foundations, resting, as in Wordsworth's formula, on " a few 
strong instincts and a few plain rules." 

Professor Haynes paid the closing tribute to Professor 
Norton as follows : 

In all the appreciative tributes that have been paid to-day 
to Professor Norton, there has been no recognition of what 



seems to me to have been one of the most far-reaching of all 
his varied activities. I refer to the fact that he was practi- 
cally the founder of the Archseological Institute of America, a 
society that has revolutionized the teaching of Greek and Latin 
in this country. To-day no } r oung man can receive an ap- 
pointment to a professorship of either of those languages in 
one of our universities or larger colleges who has not had the 
advantage of a course of study in one of the schools for clas- 
sical studies which the Institute has established, either at 
Athens or at Rome. To the vivifying influences of the in- 
struction there received, I believe, it is mainly due that the 
study of Greek has retained its place in the curricula of our 
colleges. No one can overestimate the consequences to the 
intellectual culture of the United States. 

As there is no one present, but myself, who was concerned 
in the initiation of this movement, since Professor Goodwin 
unfortunately is not able to be here to-day, I have felt that 
this occasion should not be allowed to pass without some rec- 
ognition of the leading part which Professor Norton took in 
bringing about such important results. 

When I was in Athens, in the spring of 1877, 1 was often 
asked why such a wealthy country as the United States was 
not represented there by a school for classical studies, like 
those of Germany and France. I little thought that in five 
years' time such a school would be opened there on October 2, 
1882, under the superintendence of our associate Professor 
Goodwin. The first step in organizing the Archseological 
Institute was a meeting of more than one hundred persons in 
this city, on May 10, 1879, at which an executive committee 
of seven was chosen with Professor Norton as president. 
Only about thirty of those persons are still living, and of the 
executive committee only Professors Alexander Agassiz, 
William R. Ware, and myself. Professor Norton's active exer- 
tions in the interest of the Institute never ceased to the end of 
his life, and he continued to serve as its president until 1890. 

The twenty-eighth annual report of the Council of the 
Institute, published last year, records its incorporation by Act 
of Congress, January 2, 1907, and contains the reports of the 
Schools of Classical and Oriental Studies, founded by it at 
Athens, Rome, and Palestine, with lists of the eighteen hun- 
dred and thirty-four members of the twenty-three affiliated 


societies which make up the body of the Institute, organized 
all over the length and breadth of our land, from Boston to San 
Francisco and Kansas City. Certainly the study of the ancient 
languages cannot be said to be declining in our country. 

Time only permits me to allude to the other branch of the 
activities of the Institute, which has so successfully appealed 
to the generosity of our people, — the exploration carried on 
under its auspices of sites, like Assos and Corinth and others 
in the Old World, or in the southwestern regions of the 
United States and in Mexico. 

Little could our friend have anticipated " what fruit would 
spring from such a seed." 

The President then announced the death of Dr. Daniel 
Coit Gilman. In doing so, he said it was not usual to call for 
any response in announcement of the death of a Corresponding 
Member. In view of the eminence of Dr. Gilman, and the 
great respect in which he was held, he would, however, make 
an exception in this case by asking Dr. Gilman's classmate and 
life-long friend, Mr. Crapo, to place on our records a brief 
appreciation of him. 

In reply Mr. Crapo said : 

I gladly avail myself of the opportunity here to pay my tribute 
to Daniel Coit Gilman. He was my college classmate, and 
during our four years' course there was no companionship 
more intimate and no friendship stronger than that which 
existed between us, and this has continued these many years. 
He was an excellent scholar, although not ambitious for the 
high marks necessary to secure a valedictory honor, an honor 
sometimes obtained at the sacrifice of a broader education. 
He was alive to all the activities of the college and of the 
class. He was a steady-going, diligent, well-balanced student. 
Upon leaving college he had in contemplation the preparation 
of a new English Lexicon, a task which he thought would 
occupy him many years. In this he was encouraged by 
Professor Goodrich, the son-in-law of Noah Webster, who had 
edited several editions of Webster's Dictionary. In pursu- 
ance of this purpose he came to Cambridge, where he re- 
mained a year or more. 

About that time President Franklin Pierce appointed 


Thomas H. Seymour, a respectable lawyer of Hartford, Min- 
ister to Russia. Mr. Seymour had served in the Mexican War 
as colonel of the Connecticut Regiment as did Caleb Cushing 
as colonel of the Massachusetts Regiment, and Franklin 
Pierce as colonel of the New Hampshire Regiment. In the 
Mexican campaigns Colonel Seymour displayed conspicuous 
bravery. On his return to Connecticut he was greeted with 
much applause and great ovations. He was made Governor 
of his State and was three times re-elected to that office. It 
was natural that his comrades in war, President Franklin 
Pierce and Attorney-General Cushing, should desire for him 
further honors. Governor Seymour was not a diplomat by 
training or experience, and in going to his new post he desired 
a friendly companionship which might at times be of assist- 
ance to him. He invited two young men fresh from college 
to accompany him to St. Petersburg. They were Daniel C. 
Gilman and Andrew D. White, both of whom subsequently 
became Corresponding Members of this Society. I do not 
remember what official position, if any, these two men held in 
the legation, but their duties were not pressing, and much of 
their leisure time was devoted to making themselves familiar 
with European universities, their courses of study and methods 
of instruction. 

How far this accidental sojourn abroad, undertaken at the 
outset as an agreeable vacation, influenced the future careers 
of these two men, is a matter of conjecture. On their return 
to the United States Mr. White went to Ann Arbor, where he 
was eminently successful as an instructor ; and afterwards he 
was employed by Ezra Cornell in the formatipn of Cornell 
University. Mr. Gilman went to New Haven, where he be- 
came librarian, and held other offices in the college to the 
great satisfaction of the faculty and students. Later he was 
appointed President of the University of California, in which 
position he demonstrated his ability and attracted the atten- 
tion of educators. When the Johns Hopkins Fund became 
available, its trustees, seeking a suitable person to execute the 
will of the donor in the establishment of an educational insti- 
tution, selected President Gilman. In preparation for this 
task he went abroad for a year or two, studying the univer- 
sities of Europe, comparing, analyzing, and balancing their 
merits. On his return to Baltimore he had in mind an insti- 


tution distinct from any existing American college or univer- 
sity, whose purpose would be to furnish to the graduates of 
such colleges or universities facilities for advanced study in 
special branches of knowledge. The success of Johns Hopkins 
University is well known. It was essentially the creation of 
President Gilman. 

The qualities which led to his success were patient, pains- 
taking, persistent application and complete thoroughness of 
work. He was a good man to work with. His enthusiasm 
inspired his associates ; his example of untiring devotion to 
whatever task he had in hand stimulated those about him. 
Whatever rank may be accorded to President Gilman in 
scholarship, I venture to say that few have surpassed him in 
the field of investigation, of organization, and of administration. 
This is shown not only by what he did at Johns Hopkins, but 
in the organization of the Carnegie Institution and the man- 
agement of the Peabody and Slater funds and the many other 
positions of trust and service which were assigned to him. 

He was a sincere and unselfish man. He was prominent in 
many reform movements. He had no liking for controversy. 
He relied upon clearness of statement and strength of argu- 
ment; and as a reformer he never indulged in denunciation of 
those who honestly differed with him about methods. His 
native gentleness of spirit and his sweetness of disposition 
made that impossible. 

In any review of the life of Dr. Gilman its notable feature 
must be the exceptional and successful service which he ren- 
dered in the promotion of higher education, of social and 
political reforms, and of genuine philanthropy. 

Mr. Storey then said : 

As I am probably the person in the room who last saw 
Dr. Gilman alive, it may interest you to know that I left him 
last August in a lovely garden on the shores of Lake Thun, 
with beautiful flowers about him, with sweet music in his 
ears, and with the wonderful panorama of the Alps spread 
out before his eyes. He was looking back upon a pleasant 
journey, and forward to some weeks of rest in this peaceful 
place. His work was over and well done, he was free from 
care or pain, his mind was clear and bright, and the evening 



of his life was unclouded and serene. He came home some 
weeks afterward, and then died in an instant without suffer- 
ing, leaving behind him no memories which any friend would 
wish to change. " For the end of that man is peace." 

In conclusion, Mr. Schouler, a Corresponding Member, 
spoke as follows : 

For seventeen years it has been my privilege to meet the 
late President Gilman every spring at Baltimore, in connec- 
tion with my duties there, and to enjoy his generous confi- 
dence. The press, the public, learned societies like ours, have 
done justice to his great creative skill and accomplishment in 
the cause of our higher education. Only one of his contem- 
poraries has ranked with him on the same lofty level or been 
brought into close comparison with him, and that is our own 
distinguished President Eliot of Harvard. 

What has impressed me, however, as unique in President 
Gilman's character, with all his greatness, has been his entire 
freedom from pride or presumptuousness, his unassuming man- 
ners, his simple, easy and genial intercourse both with in- 
structors and students. His tact and lightness of touch in 
administration made all work smoothly under him, and stimu- 
lated each one to put forth his best. For every one whom he 
met there was the same suave and pleasant address, notwith- 
standing which he held the reins of government firmly and 
understood well his own purpose. 

He was always ready to accost each one with pleasant 
words, and even to praise where praise was admissible. In- 
deed, it has been said of him, as the nearest perhaps to a fault 
of character, that he was disposed to flatter. But upon that 
point I studied him closely, having been early forewarned ; 
and my firm conviction is that all such tendency, if it existed, 
was due to real kindness of heart and the desire to invite 
friendship and show his appreciation of zealous effort ; and 
that his noble nature was free from all insincerity, while as 
for duplicity of any sort no trace of such baseness was in him. 

The President called attention to the new volume of Pro- 
ceedings, third series, Volume I., containing the minutes of 
meetings from April, 1907, to June, 1908, both included, which 
was ready for distribution to members. 





Abbott Lawrence, the third and youngest son of Abbott 
and Katharine (Bigelow) Lawrence, was born in Boston on 
September 9, 1828. At that time his father's family was living 
in Somerset Street, and the site of his birthplace is now cov- 
ered by the Suffolk Court House. On his father's side he 
had descended from Revolutionary ancestry and from old New 
England stock who had made their home in Groton for several 
generations ; and on his mother's side he came equally from 
Revolutionary ancestry and of a family distinguished in various 
walks of life. His grandfather Lawrence served in the Conti- 
nental army, and was present at the battle of Bunker Hill. 
His great-grandfather Bigelow was a zealous patriot, and was 
colonel of the Fifteenth Massachusetts Regiment, which took 
part in the capture of General Burgoyne at Saratoga on October 
17, 1777. His grandfather Bigelow, a prominent lawyer of 
Groton, was Speaker of the House of Representatives for 
eleven years, though not in succession. No other member 
has ever filled the office for so long a period of time. It is 
said, on the authority of Lempri£re's Universal Biography 
(New York, 1825), that in the course of thirty-two years of 
practice he had argued fifteen thousand cases before various 

As a lad of sixteen Mr. Lawrence's father came to Boston 
and was placed as an apprentice in the mercantile house of an 
elder brother (Amos Lawrence). During the next five years, 
by close application and by fidelity to his work, he prepared 
himself for larger responsibilities, so much so that just after he 
became of age he went into partnership with his brother. In 
this way the firm of A. & A. Lawrence was founded, which for 
more than half a century was to stand as a tower of strength in 



the business world of Boston. A few years later two other 
brothers (William and Samuel) also came to the city and en- 
gaged in mercantile affairs and manufacturing enterprises ; and 
all four met with a success that was somewhat exceptional. 
Luther, the eldest brother of the five, graduated with honor at 
Harvard College in the Class of 1801, studied law, and for many 
years practised his profession at Groton, and was sent to the 
Legislature, where he was chosen Speaker of the House of 
Representatives. An interesting feature in his domestic life 
was the fact that he married a sister of the Hon. Timothy 
Bigelow, while his brother Abbott married a daughter of Mr. 
Bigelow. In other words, by this marriage he became uncle 
to his brother ; and as each one had a large family, at times it 
was amusing to trace the exact kinship between their children. 
Later this brother Luther removed from Groton to the new 
town of Lowell, where he practised law, and subsequently 
became mayor of the city. One day while showing a friend 
and kinsman over a mill then in process of construction, 
in which he was interested, he stumbled and fell into the 
wheel-pit, and thus lost his life, on April 17, 1839, during 
the second year of his mayoralty. 

The town of Lawrence, incorporated on April 17, 1847, and 
as a city on March 29, 1853, was so named after these four 
brothers, one (Luther) of the five being dead. They all 
had large manufacturing interests elsewhere as well as in the 
new settlement. The youngest brother (Samuel) lived in 
Lowell, on the banks of the Merrimack, only a few miles 
away, and almost daily he visited the " new city," as it was 
called, in order to take a general oversight of the work 
then going on there. Thus in the neighborhood at an early 
period the name of Lawrence became associated with the 

Abbott Lawrence, the subject of this memoir, studied for a 
year or two at the Chauncy-Hall School ; but before he went 
to college he was placed under the charge of Mr. Thomas G. 
Bradford (H. C. 1822) as a private tutor. From him he re- 
ceived his later preparatory instruction, and by him he was 
offered for examination to the authorities of Harvard College 
on August 25 and 26, 1845, and was duly admitted to the 
Freshman class of that institution, in which he graduated four 
years later. It may be worthy of note that six of that class 


have been chosen members of the Historical Society ; and, 
furthermore, that the class, with one exception, is the largest 
that had ever graduated at Harvard before that time. Mr. 
Everett was president of the College from February 5, 1846, 
to February 1, 1849 ; and the Class of 1849 passed nearly the 
whole of its academic course under his administration. 

Mr. Lawrence's father, though never a pronounced partisan, 
had been somewhat prominent as a Whig politician, having 
been chosen for two terms, but not in succession, as a member 
of Congress. At the national convention of the Whig party 
at Philadelphia in June, 1848, he came within eight votes 
of receiving the nomination of Vice-President on the suc- 
cessful ticket which was headed by General Taylor as Pres- 
ident. After declining the Secretaryship of the Navy in 
Taylor's cabinet, and then that of the Interior, both which 
were offered to him, he was appointed by the President as 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Great 
Britain ; and to that end he embarked for England on No- 
vember 29, 1849. This was only a few weeks after the gradua- 
tion of the son at Harvard, who some months later went over 
to London to visit his father's family. On his return from 
this trip he sailed from Liverpool for New York on Decem- 
ber 28, 1850, in the Collins steamer " Atlantic," which 
had a very tedious and eventful passage. So long was the 
arrival of the ship overdue on this side of the ocean that 
the gravest apprehension was felt by the public in regard 
to the safety of the vessel and passengers, and the worst was 

An editorial paragraph in the " Boston Daily Advertiser," 
January 25, 1851, says that " the continued absence of the 
steamer of course excites daily increasing uneasiness"; and 
the newspapers of that period commented much on the cause 
of delay. Unfortunately then there was no ocean telegraph, 
or wireless transmission of news over the water to send 
promptly the intelligence that the " Atlantic " was safe ; and 
the anxiety of the public was kept at its highest pitch for a 
fortnight longer than would be needed now. The real cause 
of the delay proved to be an accident to the machinery, a 
broken shaft. 

The Advertiser, February 17, prints the cheering news under 
a heading as follows : — 





The arrival of the British Steamer Africa, at New York, with the 
most welcome news of the safety of the steamer " Atlantic," so long out 
of time, was announced here, by telegraph, yesterday morning. We 
have the following despatch from our correspondent at New York : — 

and then follows a detailed account of the accident. 

The intelligence was, indeed, most welcome to the public, 
and relieved the tension of anxiety. The news was fourteen 
days later than anything yet received from the other side of 
the ocean. To the present generation, accustomed to get 
news from the four quarters of the globe within a few hours 
of its occurrence, such sluggish delay seems unaccountable. 
It bears out the old proverb that no news is good news. Mr. 
Lawrence's family in London heard of the arrival of the 
steamship at Cork on its return after the accident before they 
were aware of any delay in the passage across the water or 
of any mishap to the vessel. 

For a while after Mr. Lawrence's return home from this 
eventful voyage, he was connected with the commission house 
(A. & A. Lawrence & Co.) of his father ; and later he be- 
came a member of the firm of James W. Paige & Co., another 
large commission house in Boston. For about ten years he 
was actively engaged in mercantile affairs ; and during this 
period in different years he attended three courses of lec- 
tures at the Harvard Law School, where he took the degree 
of LL.B. in 1863 and was admitted to the bar. At this time 
he retired from business, but he never engaged in the active 
practice of his profession. 

Mr. Lawrence was a man of fine literary tastes, and was 
familiar with the best English authors. He had a large 
library, selected with great care, and he spent much time 
with his books. His leisure now gave him the long desired 
opportunity to lead a life of elegant ease and to cultivate the 
charms that come from literature. While enjoying this state 
of affairs, his relations to the community and to society in 


general drew him into a close connection with various chari- 
table institutions and other bodies which took up much of 
his time. At the date of his death he was president of the 
Pacific Mills and of the Essex Company at Lawrence, a trus- 
tee of the Massachusetts General Hospital and of the Boston 
Dispensary. At one time he was actuary of the Massachu- 
setts Hospital Life Insurance Company, and also president of 
the Humane Society of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 
He was a busy man through life, and when not engaged in 
lis own private affairs, he was sure to be occupied in some 
work useful to the public. 

In the summer of 1876 Mr. Lawrence printed for private 
3irculation a book entitled " Journal of a Tour to Niagara 
Falls in the Year 1805 " (pp. 121), kept by his grandfather 
Timothy Bigelow. It is an interesting volume, and contains 
is an introduction a memoir of Mr. Bigelow, who was a distin- 
guished lawyer then living in Groton. The Journal tells 
tiow he set out from Boston, on July 8, 1805, with four 
companions, and travelled through the interior of the State of 
New York, then almost a wilderness, but now teeming with 
thrifty towns and cities. The party returned to Groton by 
:he way of Montreal, having been absent just six weeks, and 
having travelled 1355 miles during the trip. In the spring of 
L880 Mr. Lawrence edited another journal kept by his grand- 
father Bigelow, entitled " Diary of a Visit to Newport, New 
fork, and Philadelphia during the Summer of 1815 " (pp. 29). 
[t is neither so full nor so interesting as the other journal, but 
t shows many contrasts between the mode of travelling in 
70gue at that period and the present time. 

In the spring of 1869 Mr. Lawrence compiled a memorial 
volume to an elder brother, Colonel T. Bigelow Lawrence, 
United States Consul General at Florence, who died in 
Washington on March 21, 1869. It is made up of tributes 
:rom various sources, including a set of resolutions passed 
n Washington, on March 24, 1869, by the Massachusetts 
Delegation in Congress, of which Senator Sumner was the 
Chairman. The titlepage bears only these words : " T. Bigelow 
Lawrence. Printed for Private Distribution" (pp. 43). 

In early life Mr. Lawrence was associated with the Whig 
3arty, but he joined the Republican party at its formation, 
md during the canvass of 1856 he was active in the support 


of General Fremont for president. At this election he was a 
member of the Republican Ward and City Committee of Bos- 
ton. While never a strong partisan in his political views, he 
ever kept up a keen interest in public questions and always 
remained an adherent to his party. He never held political 
office, though he was often asked to stand for an election. At 
one time he was mentioned very prominently for the Collec- 
torship of Boston ; and the " Boston Daily Advertiser," De- 
cember 12, 1889, prints on its first page a list of names 
appended to a petition sent to the President for his appoint- 
ment as Collector of the Port. It is signed by a complete list 
of the wool trade, the dry-goods commission houses, many of 
the largest mills and the wholesale jewelry trade. Among 
the signers nearly every insurance firm in town is represented, 
and the names of many of the bank presidents appear. The 
petition is a remarkable testimonial to the high character of 
Mr. Lawrence in the community and to his personal worth 
as a man. 

Mr. Lawrence was married, on April 12, 1853, to Harriette 
White Paige, only daughter of James William and Har- 
riette Story (White) Paige, of Boston. Her mother was a 
kinswoman of Chief-Justice Joseph Story and of Daniel Web- 
ster's first wife. By this union there were numerous children 
and grandchildren, as follows : 

Abbott, born January 16, 1854, a graduate of Harvard College in 
1875, and died March 15, 1882, at Nassau, New Providence, Bahama 
Islands, where he had gone for the benefit of his health. 

Rosamond, born May 17, 1856, married, January 13, 1881, Francis 
Peabody, second son of Samuel Endicott and Marianne Cabot (Lee) 
Peabody ; and they have three daughters, of whom the eldest was mar- 
ried to Benjamin Nason Hamlin on June 12, 1907, — and to this couple 
there is now a son. 

William Paige, born August 15, 1858, and died February 9, 1898. 

John, born April 27, 1861, married, June 16, 1887, Martha Endicott 
Peabody, an only sister of his brother-in-law; and they have four 

Robert Ashton, born November 4, 1865, married, October 11, 
1893, Caroline Ella, daughter of the Rev. Eurotas Parmele and Anna 
(Cleveland) Hastings, and niece of ex-President Cleveland ; and they 
had one sou who lived only a short time. Ashton's death took place as 
the result of a railroad accident, September 21, 1905. 


Harriette Story, born June 10, 1867, married, March 8, 1893 
Reginald Foster, fourth son of Dwightand Henrietta Perkins (Baldwin) 
Foster ; and they have had three sons and two daughters, of whom one 
of the latter is now dead. 

Mr. Lawrence was chosen a member of the Historical So- 
ciety on December 12, 1878 ; and for three years (1884-1887) 
he served in the Council. His death took place on July 6, 
1893, at Nahant, where for many years he had had a summer 
residence. He was well known to the townsfolk on the penin- 
sula, and among them he had many warm friends. His home 
in Boston was at No. 5 Commonwealth Avenue, where in 
connection with his brother-in-law, Mr. Benjamin S. Rotch 
(H. C. 1838), he had built, in 1861, a large double house, near 
Arlington Street, which was among the earliest dwellings 
erected on the Avenue. As showing Mr. Lawrence's interest 
in the objects of the Society, it should be added that he left 
by will the sum of three thousand dollars, of which the income 
is to go toward publishing the Proceedings and Collections. 
In the annual report of the Treasurer this amount appears 
under the heading of the Lawrence Fund. The cost of printing 
Volume XVII. of the Proceedings, second series, was charged 
to that fund. The photograph, from which the engraved 
plate was made that accompanies this memoir, was taken in 
the year 1888. 

Mr. Lawrence was a Life Member of the New-England 
Historic Genealogical Society. 



In place of the stated monthly meeting of the Society, a 
public commemoration, under its auspices, of the tercentenary 
of the birth of John Milton was held at the edifice of the 
First Church in Boston, on Berkeley Street, on Wednesday 
afternoon, December 9, at four o'clock. Seats in the chancel 
were occupied by the President, Dr. Everett, Dr. DeNorman- 
die, Dr. Perry, and Rev. Charles E. Park. A portrait of Mil- 
ton, made for the occasion, bearing a garland of laurel, stood 
on an easel at the back of the chancel. 

Members of the Society and of their families, and invited 
friends, were admitted on presentation of tickets at half-past 
three o'clock ; and the doors were thrown open to the public 
at five minutes of four. More than eight hundred persons in 
all participated, filling the pews and much of the standing- 
room at the entrance. 

An elaborate programme of the exercises had been pre- 
pared, in the nature of a memorial of the occasion, fifteen 
hundred copies of which were printed for distribution among 
those in attendance and otherwise. It contained reproductions 
of two of the engraved portraits of Milton, after Faithorne 
and one at Nuneham, as well as reproductions of the title- 
page of the first collective edition of his minor " Poems " 
(1645) showing the rare portrait by Marshall of the first 
titlepage of the first edition of the "Paradise Lost" (1667), 
and of the titlepage of the first edition of the " Paradise 
Regained " (1671) ; also the sonnets, the extracts from 
Milton's " Areopagitica," and the hymns, selected as features 
of the observance. 

The first number of the " Order of Exercises " was an organ 
prelude, the " Largo " by Handel from his opera of Xerxes, 
by Mr. Arthur Foote, organist and musical director of the 
celebration. This was followed by the " Venite," rendered by a 
triple quartette, a chant by Henry Lawes, the friend of Milton, 
to whom one of Milton's sonnets is addressed, and who was 
the composer of the music for "Cornus" and "Arcades." 


After the invocation by Dr. DeNormandie, a chorus from 
" The Nativity," composed by John Knowles Paine, was sung 
with the words from Milton's hymn, " On the Morning of 
Christ's Nativity." 

Dr. Perry read selections from the autobiographical sonnets 
of Milton, the seventh, nineteenth, and twenty-second, and 
from the " Areopagitica," closing with Wordsworth's sonnet 
on Milton. The choir then sang Milton's paraphrase of Psalm 
LXXXIV. to the tune of "York," composed by Milton's 

The President's introduction was as follows : 

Himself a typical English Puritan in thought and life, John 
Milton was both a Puritan poet and the poet of the Puritans, 
— acknowledged Laureate, his supremacy there was, and is, 
none to dispute. In its inception, and through the lives of 
six generations of its people, Massachusetts was the Puritan 
Commonwealth par excellence; to be such, and to be held 
such, was at once its pride and its doom. Ours is the time- 
honored Historical Society of the Commonwealth, its act of 
incorporation bearing the sign-manual of Samuel Adams, the 
Puritan of the Puritans, then Acting-Governor. It is there- 
fore manifestly proper and altogether fitting that this Soci- 
ety should make special observance of the tercentenary of 
the birth of him who supremely represents the Puritan on 
those Parnassian heights where the Puritan would least be 
looked for, and indeed where he was least at home. I there- 
fore, in behalf of the Society, welcome you who have joined 
us here in this our observance of a very memorable event. 

And in doing so I would first call your attention to the form 
this observance has taken, as set forth in the programme of the 
occasion. When those upon whom devolved the character 
and arrangement of the day's procedure addressed themselves 
to their task, two methods of observance at once suggested 
themselves, — the staging and performance of one or the 
other of Milton's dramas— the "Samson Agonistes" and the 
" Comus," — or a series of appreciations of Milton in the va- 
rious phases of his somewhat Protean character, as a poet, as 
a publicist, as a historian, as a controversialist, as a scholar, 
or as a teacher. After full discussion both methods were re- 
jected. For this Society to attempt the staging of a drama, 



even the " Comus," was manifestly incongruous ; even more so 
for it to essay the " Agonistes " ; and Harvard, to which it would 
have been more, and to us, as it seemed, especially appropriate 
so to do, lent an ear both dull and cold to the suggestion. On 
the other hand, a programme of suitable appreciations was 
difficult to arrange, and — a little conventional withal — ■ 
seemed somewhat commonplace. Finally it was concluded 
that, apart from and beyond a single utterance, John Milton 
alone was competent to say the final word on Milton ; he only 
could lift us to the full height of the occasion. On this basis 
to-day's programme has been prepared. We shall listen to the 
words of one orator only ; and whether in music or in utter- 
ance, for the rest go direct to the fountain head. In sonnet 
and in chant Milton shall voice Milton. To use the expres- 
sion of Walter Scott, no awkward squad fires its volley here 
and to-day over either the cradle or the grave of our laureate. 

Needless to say, the rule assigns a limit to me. I must 
therefore be very brief. And yet I cannot refrain from refer- 
ence to one result of our discussions over the most suitable 
observance of the occasion, — a result suggestive, but involv- 
ing a somewhat recondite research. I have said that Milton 
was essentially the laureate poet of the Puritans, and that 
Massachusetts, conceived in Puritanism, was, par excellence, 
the Puritan Commonwealth. Naturally, then, I looked for 
some indications in our record as a community of the influ- 
ence exercised by Milton, and for evidence of an early famili- 
arity with him or with his works. I looked in vain. u Para- 
dise Lost" — the single epic both English and Puritan — was 
published in 1667 ; and Milton died in 1674, almost exactly a 
century before at last Massachusetts emerged from the chrysa- 
lis stage. Addison's famous series of " Spectator " papers, 
which contributed so largely towards familiarizing the English- 
speaking race with their one acknowledged Puritan classic, 
had appeared in 1712, while many then yet living must have 
retained almost as fresh a recollection of Milton as we now have 
of Bryant or of Longfellow. And yet, startling as it seems to 
say it, in all our Massachusetts literature and publications, 
whether of books or diaries or letters, including funeral dis- 
courses and memoirs, — the output of the entire century which 
followed the publication of " Paradise Lost," — I have been as 
yet able to find but a single footprint of Milton, one solitary 


indication only that he exercised any influence whatever over 
the thought or imaginings of those generations. With us that 
was the theological period, the age of the Mathers ; but in the 
absence of a complete index to that massive relic of a glacial 
literary period, I have been unable to recall, or, as yet, to 
learn of any trace of Milton in the " Magnalia," or in the 
other well-nigh innumerable publications of the Mather family, 
so prolific of discourses. Sewall in his diary records gifts of 
psalm-books, volumes containing what then was regarded as 
poetry, but there is nothing to indicate that he ever saw even 
i copy of " Paradise Lost," much less was familiar with a 
quotation from it. The first American edition of the poem, 
[ have found mention of, bears the imprint Philadelphia, 1777, 
but the earliest Massachusetts reproduction was printed in 
1794. No American edition of Milton's complete works saw 
the light until 1853, as recently as my own college days. In 
my surprise at this apparent dearth of familiarity and refer- 
3nce, I asked myself as to what extent there were copies even 
)f the "Paradise Lost" in Massachusetts within a century of 
its first publication. That English editions must have been 
aere we know, as we know that the " Spectator " was to be 
? ound in every library and was generally read. But where 
s the footprint in the sand? The one to which my attention 
svas called is in the diary of John Adams, who, when teaching 
school at Worcester in 1756, a youth of twentj T , wrote : 
4 Reading Milton. That man's soul, it seems to me, was dis- 
:ended as wide as creation. His power over the human mind 
;vas absolute and unlimited. His genius was great beyond 
conception, and his learning without bounds. I can only gaze 
it him with astonishment, without comprehending the vast 
compass of his capacity." 2 And, twenty-five years later, John 
Adams's wife, who was fond of transcribing poetry in her 
etters, in one to her husband gives, 2 instead of gossip from 
lome, no less than sixteen lines from Milton's familiar " Sweet 
s the breath of Morn." 3 This, however, was largely over a 

1 Works of John Adams, ii. 14 ; 2 Letters of Mrs. Adams (Boston, 1841), i. 164. 

3 Forty-eight years after Mrs. Adams wrote the letter which contained the 
(uotations referred to, her son made the following diary record : " With these 
>ooks [a copy of Shakespeare], in a closet of my mother's bed-chamber, there 
vas [1778] also a small edition, in two volumes, of Milton's Paradise Lost, 
vhich, I believe, I attempted ten times to read, and never could get through half 
i book. I might as well have attempted to read Homer before I had learnt the 


hundred years after the lines first appeared in print, and 
Milton had then been in his grave more than a century. 

And now, an investigator of historical facts, I appeal not 
only to members of this Society but to all here present, for 
further light on these most interesting points. Can any one 
produce a copy of the " Paradise Lost " which found a well- 
authenticated abiding place on a Massachusetts book-shelf 
prior to 1767? And what quotations from Milton, or traces 
of his influence, can be found in our New England literature 
within the century which followed his death? One such 
trace, and an emphatic and appreciative one, I have given 
from the diary of John Adams. What others exist? That 
such exist I make no question, but what proof of them can 
be produced? I am as yet aware of none. 

That we of Massachusetts should celebrate the tercente- 
nary of Milton's birth, and meet in this especial edifice for 
the purpose, is, I once more assert, none the less fitting. 
Among the original thirteen of our American communities, 
Pennsylvania, Virginia and Massachusetts alone designated 
themselves not States but Commonwealths; and the designa- 
tion has a deep historical significance. If not the oldest child, 
Massachusetts was the unmistakable offspring of that great 
English Commonwealth over which Cromwell ruled, and of 
which Milton was the poet and the mouthpiece, — blood of 
her blood, bone of her bone, — most of all, she, in quaint and 
homelike phrase, favored her mother. In the group of names 
associated with that memorable time, three belong especially 
to Massachusetts ; they are of the blood, — John Hampden, 
Oliver Cromwell, John Milton, — the great Puritan trium- 
virate. And this in which we are to-day gathered is the 
present house of worship of the First Church in Boston — the 
church of John Winthrop and John Cotton, and of young Sir 
Harry Vane. The last is our connecting link. Three of 

Greek alphahet. I was mortified, even to the shedding of solitary tears, that I 
could not even conceive what it was that my father and mother admired so 
much in that book, and yet I was ashamed to ask them an explanation. 
I smoked tobacco and read Milton at the same time, and from the same motive — 
to find out what was the recondite charm in them which gave my father so much 
pleasure. After making myself four or five times sick with smoking, I mastered 
that accomplishment, and acquired a habit which, thirty years afterwards, I had 
more difficulty in breaking off. But I did not master Milton. I was nearly 
thirty when I first read the Paradise Lost with delight and astonishment." — 
Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, viii. 157. 


Milton's great autobiographical sonnets are reproduced in full 
in the programme prepared for this occasion. You have 
listened to them. They are those designated as the seventh, 
the nineteenth and the twenty-second. Almost immediately 
preceding the second is that other addressed to him who 
was once a resident of Boston and Governor of the infant 
Colony. It begins with the familiar lines, 

Vane, young in years, but in sage counsel old, 
Than whom a better senator ne'er held 
The helm of Rome, 

and immediately before this is that other sonorous chant, 

Cromwell, our chief of men, 

in which occurs that famous and familiar phrase, 

Peace hath her victories 
No less renowu'd than War. 

These, Cromwell and Milton, are two of the three great 
worthies of the English Commonwealth; the third, Hampden, 
is the only one of the trio whose name we here in Massachu- 
setts have locally appropriated as a household word. And 
Vane is the connecting link between them and us. A com- 
municant of the church which now worships in this edifice, 
Sir Harry Vane associates John Winthrop and John Cotton 
with Hampden and Cromwell and Milton. The memorials in 
bronze and in marble of the two former keep watch and ward 
at the entrance to this edifice or against its northern wall ; the 
name of John Hampden stands out in the roll of our counties; 
and John Milton has embalmed in immortal verse the mem- 
ory of Vane. Thus, truly, we find ourselves here and now in 
august company, — in company with him whom Clarendon re- 
ferred to as the Pater Patrioe of his day ; with him whom 
men know as the Great Protector; with him the erstwhile 
Governor of Massachusetts, and the typical martyr of the 
Restoration ; with him the Father of Massachusetts ; and with 
that other " The unmitred pope of a pope-hating common- 
wealth " ; and all gather here with us in spirit, — grouped 
around the cradle of one who, moving to the music of the 


spheres in the remote and splendid orb of Homer, Virgil and 
Dante, sang in immortal verse, 

Of man's first disobedience, and the fruit 
Of that forbidden tree, 

until, like the " blind old man of Scio's rocky isle," 

He pass'd the flaming bounds of place and time : 
The living throne, the sapphire blaze, 
Where angels tremble while they gaze, 
He saw; but, blasted with excess of light, 
Closed his eyes in endless night. 

In conformity with the usage of the Society, I now, with all 
confidence while so doing, call upon our associate Dr. Everett 
for a fitting appreciation of him whose tercentennial natal 
day we are thus met to commemorate. 

Dr. Everett spoke as follows : 

The name of Milton opens such a vast field for interesting 
discussion, that a speaker for an hour must confine himself to 
some one phase of its varied extent ; and I think Mr. Adams 
has shown us the most appropriate topic for our attention here 
and now, when he calls on us to consider 

Milton the Puritan. 

One of the last gleams of Sir Walter Scott's genius, before 
the clouds closed over it, is the scene in " Woodstock " where 
the Cavalier challenges the Roundhead to produce from among 
the Puritans any flash of the poetical and dramatic genius 
which Charles I. and his followers found in Shakespeare. The 
young Parliamentary colonel heeds the call, and repeats a 
passage of transcendent beauty from " Com us." The poetry 
sinks with heavenly cadence into the ears and soul of the 
aged knight ; he gives way to a hearty burst of applause, and 
inquires about the author. The disguised king to whom he 
appeals tells him that it is John Milton. The name arouses 
the most violent revulsion of feeling, and he indulges in a con- 
trary burst of wrath at being tricked into expressing approval 
of anything written by the author of the Defence of the People 
of England, the secretary of Oliver Cromwell. 

Sir Walter could draw a scene bringing out the conflicting 


passions and prejudices of men with a spirit and truth which 
no other could command. But this dialogue about Milton is 
exceptionally spirited and truthful as reflecting passions and 
prejudices which have raged through both Old and New Eng- 
land for over two centuries and have not yet lost their force. 
Those who accepted the name of Puritans, and lived up 
to it, have been taunted from Milton's day to this with an 
enmity to all the grace and beauty of humanity, with being un- 
couth and repulsive ; deriving these painful qualities from the 
very nature of their profession, in its essence inconsistent with 
the beauty and tenderness and poetry of life. No end of what 
passes for wit has been expended on the Bible names, the 
sombre dress, the unadorned shrines, the tuneless psalms, and 
in general the unlovely and dreary nature of the Puritans. 

To all such criticisms, whether in joke or in earnest, the life 
and works of Milton are an answer. He was a Puritan of the 
Puritans, engaged in war to the knife with the system of 
Charles and Laud in Church and State. Yet from the version 
of the Psalms which he attempted in his boyhood to " Paradise 
Regained" and " Samson Agonistes," the work of his ad- 
vanced age, there breathes in every page of his verse the 
aroma of the loftiest and sweetest poetry. A control of metre, 
rhymed or unrhymed, unsurpassed by Virgil or Spenser, — a 
justice of simile, an elegance of fancy, a vividness of imagina- 
tion that Lucretius or Dante might envy, — an alternate terse- 
ness and exuberance of phrase that reminds us now of 
Petrarch and anon of Ariosto, — a chastened command of 
classical and romantic allusion beside which the style of Sid- 
ney or Ben Jonson is rank pedantry, — all these things chal- 
lenge rivalry with the greatest names of past times, and give 
him unquestioned right to the poet's bay. 

No contemporary, however bigoted, and none of their Tory 
successors could resist the charm of such poems, or fail to rec- 
ognize their author's pre-eminence. Hence, as may be seen in 
Johnson's biography, their attack on Puritanism and Milton as 
a Puritan had to be diverted from stale jokes to equally 
stale charges of perversive politics and hypocritical mor- 
als, great stress being laid on Milton's unseemly violence of 

I suppose Milton's poetry to be comparatively out of favor 
now, though the awe that attends his name makes men shy 



of criticism ; but as it is at once thoroughly musical and 
thoroughly intelligible, it naturally does not appeal to an age 
which craves, for what it calls poetry, verse without melody 
and sentences without sense, and warmly praises u Lycidas," 
that one of all Milton's poems that really needs an interpreter. 
In the same way Puritan principles are the constant subject 
of sneers as at once disagreeable and impracticable, in an age 
that thinks the only object of life is to do what you want to, 
— if you know what that is. 

I believe myself that the grandeur and beauty of Milton's 
poems are inseparably bound up with his Puritanism. In 
recounting the different traits wherein he competes with the 
greatest names, I passed over what is his transcendent char- 
acteristic, — elevation of tone; a contempt of trifles, a con- 
stant tendency to higher thoughts, never descending to 
baseness, and habitually rising to sublimity. Herein he has 
often been compared to iEschylus, the most ancient of drama- 
tists ; and indeed these two stand out above all others for their 
sustained loftiness, if we set aside the Hebrew prophets. We 
see the quality in Sophocles and in Virgil, but it is there 
mingled with a passion and gentleness rarely employed by 
Milton. Dante, who can soar as high, can also sink and be- 
foul his plumes in depths from which Milton turns with loath- 
ing ; and the same is even truer of Shakespeare. 

But Milton's loftiness of soul comes out most plainly by 
contrast with the frivolity of his contemporaries. His was an 
age of the liveliest thought, — great minds grappling with 
great problems, and equipped with learning that if less critical 
than our own time was far more capacious, — but it was at the 
same time an age of trifles and quibbling, a time of ponder- 
ous pageantry, distorted wit, fantastic ingenuity, far-fetched 
analogy. The stores of ancient and mediaeval writings, and the 
first fruits of dawning science and adventure, were ransacked 
to furnish conceits which stand to real emotion and reflection 
as a Chinese nest of carved ivory balls to a statue by Phidias 
or Angelo. One does not expect much profundity in masques 
got up to amuse a court, or comedies fashioned to catch the 
gods of the Bankside gallery. But when one sees George 
Herbert, whose mind was as full of culture as his soul of piety, 
quibbling and riddling on the very steps of the altar, one feels 
the greater admiration for Milton, whose imagination and die- 


tion, even amid the gayety of " L/ Allegro" stand aloft in their 
sparkling purity, the case of internal fire, like Etna above the 
shores of Catania and Syracuse. 

This loftiness, almost haughtiness, of tone I believe is the 
product, or rather the very essence, of Puritanism, — that 
Milton's thoughts and words mount higher than even those of 
the choicer spirits of his time because his whole being was in- 
stinct with those same qualities that belonged to Eliot and 
Hampden and Vane in England, and to our own fathers, 
Wilson and Winthrop and Cotton, whom we call Puritans. 

What then were the Puritans? What is this same princi- 
ple of Puritanism, now a scoff, now a terror, to those in whom 
it does not bear sway, — to its possessors a mighty power in 
the strength of which they do all the things which in the 
Epistle to the Hebrews are ascribed to the chosen ones of 
Israel ? 

The name is held to have been attached to those who de- 
sired a purer or simpler worship in the Church of England, 
which they thought had retained too much of the Romish 
observances that the Swiss reformers had thrown off; from 
this division in the Church gradually grew all that makes up 
the Puritan character. But I believe that sentiment itself had 
a far older and deeper origin, — one inherent in the national 
temper of England, which had broken out many times in the 
centuries preceding Luther. That spirit is the devotion to 
personal liberty ; the defiance of any outside imposed authority, 
— that determination to be free from domination, whether 
of kings or priests, which had come down from the German 

History tells us what the facts of these assertions of English 
liberty have been. But history does not tell us as well as the 
consciousness of Englishmen, whether of Old or New England, 
what is the English freedom that has never been driven out of 
the hearts of the nation, an eternal encouragement to the 
people, and a warning to all who attempt to enslave them. 
It is a sense of individual right which, as Goldsmith has told 
us, makes every Briton 

Learn to venerate himself as man. 

It has no kindred with the wild frenzy that has seized on 
other nations in mass, claiming liberties they cannot formulate. 



It has no desire to defy law, or rebel against rightful sway. 
It has submitted many times to authority which was not right- 
ful, provided that authority restrained its edicts within the 
bounds which the nation prescribed to it. But against all 
transgression of those bounds, against all attempts to control 
men of English blood in those things wherein they had made 
up their minds to be free, native and foreign rulers have alike 
had to learn that ancient lesson, — " Hitherto shalt thou come, 
but no further; and here shall thy proud waves be stayed." 
We should rather reverse the image. It is the alien king in 
vain commanding the tide to obey him that is the type of 
those who have sought to force the English race backward 
from their ancient liberties ; the ebb may apparently give 
ground for years, even for ages ; but the flood is sure to 
return, more irresistible than ever. 

In Tudor times there was a moment's pause of the spirit of 
liberty in England. The nobility, who had commonly been 
its leaders, were cowed and all but exterminated, and the 
peasantry were sharing the low estate of their masters. The 
citizens and merchants were steadily gaining in force, prepared, 
when the time came, to stand up against any attack on their 
native rights ; then the King led the onset against the domin- 
ion of Rome and the whole land burst into flame. It is of 
little moment whether Henry's views were low or lofty, of 
little moment how far the spirit of Reform really pervaded 
England. The main fact, discernible through all disputes, is 
that when Elizabeth died there was a strong, recognized, de- 
termined body that refused to submit to dictation in its worship, 
and declared that the Church of England must be free, as the 
State of England had been free, — free from any suggestion of 
Roman dominion, as eight centuries before the State had 
declared itself beyond the Roman pale of empire. The body 
which upheld this standard were the Puritans. 

But it must never be forgotten that this claim to national 
and individual liberty was very far from a declaration of inde- 
pendence, or a throwing off of all responsibility. The Puritan 
in his efforts for political freedom held firmly his obedience to 
the law as it was at any time ; and in proclaiming his religious 
freedom from Rome or Lambeth, he owned all the more em- 
phatically his responsibility to God. And this responsibility 
was direct and immediate. Every man, however he resented 


the exactions and impositions of usurped or strained authority 
in Church and State, could only do so as the personal subject 
of Heaven, unquestioning and unchanging. If at any time a 
Puritan appeared a rebel to King or Bishop, it was because he 
felt under the direct command of his Creator, and settled in 
himself once for all the question, " Shall we obey God or 

And both these elements — the passion for liberty, becoming 
rebellion against all usurped authority, and the passion of de- 
votion, prostrating itself before the White Throne — are the 
very inspiration of Milton's writing. From his early and deli- 
cate poems, " L' Allegro," " Lycidas," and " Comus," down to 
the last desperate pleadings of the blind Samson, there is the 
same yearning for freedom, the same consecration to God. In 
% strain of fierceness that is fairly appalling, he attacks the 
followers of Laud, and defends their Presbyterian opponents; 
he denounces them in turn, declaring " New Presbyter is but 
Did Priest writ large," and ends by withdrawing wholly from 
public worship, since no church or sect is free from coercive 
tyranny ; and closes his labors with the august narrative of 
Samson pulling down the idol temple on himself as the only 
way of ending his own slavery and avenging himself on the 
snemies of God. 

Yet in his earliest sonnet he declares his life to be passed 

As ever in my great Taskmaster's eye. 

He ends the joyous exultation of the Attendant Spirit when his 
task is done with the ever memorable lines, 

Mortals that would follow me, 
Love virtue, — she alone is free. 

[n every one of his bold advances into the very deserts of 
freedom, where the hardiest of his contemporaries shrank 
from following him, he carries with him the standard of re- 
ligion ; he appeals from the lords, who seek to hold him back, 
to his master, God, who leads the way. He is ready to walk 
into the Red Sea if the heavenly pillar only shines before him 
to mark the road. 

The union of these two principles is most strongly shown in 
the whole structure of " Paradise Lost." In the terribly mag- 


nificent opening Milton seems almost to deify rebellion, — the 
adversary of God, who after his fall " lay vanquished, rolling in 
the fiery gulf," contrives, by his own innate energy, to rise, to 
fly, to walk, to construct a splendid palace, to hold a council, 
to force his way through hell and chaos and regions of whose 
very existence he knew not; and after one hour of bitter re- 
morse to engage in the work of fresh schemes to win a new 
victory and triumph over the power that crushed him. It 
has seemed to many who have read the poem and scarcely 
understood it, that Milton's sympathies are with Satan, so that 
he awards the victory to the false and not the true hero. It 
is a very superficial idea. It is the Father who is the con- 
queror. If the rebel achieves the triumph of making man his 
brother rebel, it is only to carry in himself the unquenchable 
fire of everlasting punishment. 

Me miserable ! which way shall I fly 
Infinite wrath and infinite despair ? 
Which way I fly is hell ; myself am hell ; 
And in the lowest deep a lower deep 
Still threatening to devour me opens wide 
To which the hell I suffer seems a heaven. 

Such is the true meaning of " Paradise Lost." But Milton's 
last word is not spoken there. We read it in that marvellous 
appendix, " Paradise Regained," a poem which, wanting in the 
varied scenery, the gorgeous ornament, the sweeping narrative 
of its predecessor, teaches a yet loftier and deeper lesson, — 
how the soul of man may fortify itself against the arrogant 
assaults of the unwearied enemy, and win the eternal triumph 
of the glorious liberty of the sons of God. That the passion 
for freedom is best satisfied by submission to his authority, — 
that the temptations of the world, the bribes it offers to self- 
assertion are really badges of slavery, — such is the theme of 
" Paradise Regained," written when, as the world would say, 
Milton's cause, national or personal, was utterly lost. " Para- 
dise Regained" is not a book for every reader, not one for 
those who are charmed with "II Penseroso " or "Comus" or 
awed and dazzled by " Paradise Lost." It has a very few cap- 
tivating passages, like the wonderful descriptions of Rome and 
Athens, combining a deep erudition worth}' of a contemporary 
of Casaubon and Grotius with a keen appreciation that the 


Froudes and the Mommsens never attained. But its staple is 
austere. It is not a book to read in easy hours, when we covet 
the harmonies and delicacies of verse ; but in the times of suf- 
fering, of doubt and dread, when it seems as if even God had 
forsaken us, then there is a tonic power in its view of trium- 
phant sacrifice no other English bard ever portrayed. 

At the time when Milton was telling how Satan offers to 
Jesus the bribe of universal monarchy, liberty had all but 
perished throughout Europe, and monarchy flaunted robes 
everywhere stained with lust and cruelty and frivolity. This 
then is his description of the true king as uttered by the Son 
of God : 

What if with like aversion I reject 

Riches and realms ? Yet not for that a crown, 

Golden in show, is but a wreath of thorns, 

Brings dangers, troubles, cares and sleepless nights 

To him who wears the regal diadem, 

When on his shoulders each man's burden lies; 

For therein stands the office of a king, 

His honor, virtue, merit, and chief praise, 

That for the public all this weight he bears; 

Yet he, who reigns within himself, and rules 

Passions, desires and fears, is more a king; 

Which every wise and virtuous man attains; 

And who attains not, ill aspires to rule 

Cities of men, or headstrong multitudes, 

Subject himself to anarchy within, 

Or lawless passions in him, which he serves. 

But the name Puritan is at this moment used exclusively to 
mean a narrow and cruel inquisitor into one's own life or an- 
other's, cutting out of it all natural and joyous elements, sub- 
stituting a sour tyranny for a genial " live and let live " strain. 
Let those who assert this view read " L'Allegro " if they can. 
To balance this distorted use of the name the word " human" 
has come to mean " vicious," so that when we hear that any 
one, especially any one in a position of authority and con- 
trol, has given way to passion or selfishness or weakness, 
we hear such expressions as " Ah, the judge is human, — he 's 
no Puritan." We are told that Puritanism is " passing," that 
being the word which the jargon of the day, which does duty 
for English, uses when it means " passing away." 

The Puritan and his view of life will never pass away. They 


were long before Tudors and Stewarts, long even before Chris- 
tianity, — they belong to no one race and no one church. At 
the time that Milton was fighting among those who sought 
to purify the Church of England, Blaise Pascal, a prostrate 
devotee of the Church of Rome, was living the Puritan life in 
Fiance, while exhibiting his country's genius and language in 
its highest perfection under the rule of an asceticism beyond 
Hampden or Vane. 

The Puritan in every country and in every age is bent on 
devoted obedience and service to God. He sees, alike in the 
great world without and the little world, himself, — what the 
thinkers of Milton's day still called the macrocosm and micro- 
cosm, an army of passions, lusts, whims, fancies, ambitions, all 
tending to draw the soul away from God and reduce it to 
slavery, — a slavery exercised by many masters ; some openly 
coercing the soul's native freedom, some cajoling it by the 
names of pleasure and amusement, momentary sport that 
should only rivet yet closer the chains of an artful tyranny. 
Against this treason, alike to God and himself, the Puritan 
feels the call to righteous war. He will not surrender the 
freedom he draws straight from his Father to any enchanter 
with his Circe cup, that substitutes the wantonness of a beast 
for the freedom of men. He is not less but more human than 
his scoffers ; he believes that virtue and purity and self-control 
are the badges of humanity that raise men above beasts, either 
uselessly wild or tamed only by force. 

Were such ideas invented in Elizabeth's reign ? Did none 
before the Puritans of England ever condemn thoughtless 
pleasure and selfish indulgence as dangerous at the best and 
ruinous at the worst, reducing man to slavery worse than a 
collared dog or galled horse ? Is there a word spoken by all 
the strictest divines of Old or New England that does not seem 
an echo of Plato and Aurelius? No! But with those elder 
men the voice could reach only a few who read and thought; 
they spoke to the votaries of gods whose very worship was an 
outrage against true piety, and their efforts for purity and 
liberty fell on stony soil. The Puritans of Milton's day spoke 
to a mighty nation that had never lost its native conscience 
and its native pride ; they spoke as members of a church 
whose service, if true to its origin, would lead straight to the 
Holy of Holies, but which had long been fettered by devices 


of men that it had not all thrown off. To reclaim that people 
— their people — that church — their church — from the old 
Egyptian slavery of ease which never aspired and pleasure 
which never reflected, such was the work of the Puritans, — 
of Vane and Cotton, of Winthrop and Milton. 

If anybody doubts that such work was needed, or believes 
that the people of England, when Milton was born, were given 
chiefly to innocent sports and expanded thoughts, that needed 
no repression and no elevation, I would simply send him to 
the theatre of the day; I would ask him to study the court 
of James the First ; I would ask if with any church doctrines 
or any form of government there could be more grossness, 
more frivolity, more sacrifice of the noble to the trivial, what 
is tasteful and delicate to what is coarse and brutal. There 
are things that a truly fastidious taste would omit from Shake- 
speare ; but is there one comedy of Fletcher's that could be 
performed at this day without driving a modest audience with 
blushes from their seats ? 

The Puritans knew other lands besides England ; Milton 
himself had a close acquaintance with the Continent, and 
knew what prevailed where English freedom and English con- 
science had never borne sway. There was one cloud over the 
whole, spread by tyranny and priestcraft, — selling licence to 
play for the surrender of thought. Well might an English 
minister of the gospel or counsellor of state feel that a curb 
was needed on even blameless amusement rather than that 
London should be as Paris or Naples. 

The Puritan view of humanity is set forth once for all by 
Milton in his "Comus." The enchanter comes in attended 
by a rout of men and women with the heads of beasts, who 
break into a revelling dance which his cup and his spells have 
brought them to believe is the mark of uncontrolled freedom, 
but which is really a stage performance at the beck of the 
hardest of masters, the caprice of the hour. It is this rabble 
rout of " Comus," men and women turned into beasts, against 
which the Puritan raised his voice to recall them to true 

Perhaps, if all who held this lofty view had stayed in Eng- 
land to help Milton and Pym and Vane and Cromwell in 
their fight for God and liberty, the victory might have been 
won, not for a few years but for all time. But the Puritans 


were divided. America had drawn to her unbroken wilds a 
goodly number of the bravest and noblest; and here, even 
here, their principles took deep root, never to perish, though 
in the sight of the foolish they seem to die. In England the 
reaction came, and the nation plunged into an orgy under 
Charles and James, which in a few years showed that the 
demon who had been driven out had come back to his old 
dwelling with seven others yet worse. A single generation of 
such a life sickened the whole people ; slowly and painfully 
the recovery came, while the eighteenth century pursued its 
way in which a sense of morality and purity, an elevation 
worthy of Milton, was but a name. What England had come 
to under such influence as apathy in the Church, corruption 
in the State, and drunkenness in society could exercise, Sir 
George Trevelyan tells us in his Life of Fox. In these foul, 
dull times the Puritan spirit awoke, though the name was 
changed. Wesley and Whitefield came to the rescue of the 
masses of the people, whom the selfishness of their masters 
was crushing to the level of the beasts. In another genera- 
tion the Evangelicals, Wilberforce and Hannah More, Henry 
Thornton and Samuel Romilly, passed on the torch of piety 
and self-control, and set in motion the vast machinery of ac- 
tive philanthropy, in protest against a godless life, enslaved 
to self-indulgence. 

But now we are told it is all past. Puritanism is gone forever. 
" Live and let live " is the word of the hour ; every man, every 
woman, every child for itself; and in our reciprocal indul- 
gences we shall find social pleasure. Bohemia is proving that 
Shakespeare's geography is correct, for it is rapidly annexing 
our entire seacoast in its unrestrained vanities, and from its 
subjects the cry goes up, " Comus, I thank thee that I am not 
as the men of old were — considerate, temperate, continent, or 
even as this Puritan." On goes the mad race for pleasure ; 
making fortunes at the expense of honesty to spend them at 
the expense of delicacy, filling theatres and novels with sug- 
gestions of indecency that would have made Fletcher and 
Fielding look away, crushing out the souls of its competitors 
on the journey of life, as its car-wheels crush out the lives of 
its brethren on the roads of the earth. Have a care, great 
Comus ! The brothers are growing up who shall rush in, 
break your glass against the ground, and drive in your rabble 


rout, with the triumphant reassertion of the Puritan's creed, 
God's service alone is perfect freedom. 

It is a common charge that Puritans were and are hypo- 
crites, that they pretended a virtue they did not possess. I do 
not know a better test of sincerity than to consider what men 
sacrifice to their opinions. From opening youth to advanced 
age John Milton had proclaimed in fearless verse and prose 
what he held to be the law of God and man, with a loftiness of 
tone that ignored all frivolity, a beauty of speech that rebuked 
all coarseness, — and what became of his life ? He had started 
with many advantages, — a kindly home, a complete educa- 
tion, a competent fortune, an angelic beauty, a high estimation 
in his own country and abroad, a craving for sympathy. He 
ended his life in blindness, in poverty, in obloquy, in domestic 
sorrow, his poetic powers scarce recognized, his political prin- 
ciples scorned. Yet he was sustained to the end by a serenity 
such as some of his most illustrious associates, like Vane and 
Cromwell, never knew, and a consciousness that he had achieved 
to the full his early ambition to be the author of that which 
" posterity would not willingly let die." Close upon the first 
centennial anniversary of his birth, Addison was teaching his 
countrymen the perfection of Milton's poetry; his praises were 
rung in succession as the years went on by Dryden, Thomson, 
Gray, and Cowper. At the second centennial Wordsworth was 
declaring that the country had need of him at that hour, for 
" his soul was like a star, and dwelt apart" ; and now that the 
third century has passed, in every centre of culture in England 
and America, beginning with his own glorious University of 
Cambridge, where he learned the principles and arts which in 
his hands were to be the chief glory of his time, one universal 
chorus of praise goes up in his honor, who like his contempo- 
rary Galileo saw " worlds and stars unseen by mortal eyes." 

There is always danger, on an occasion of this kind, that 
praise will degenerate into mere panegyric, slurring over or 
leaving out altogether those parts of a hero's record that cast 
a shadow if not a stain over his glory. Yielding to none in 
my affectionate admiration for Milton's genius and person, 
there are some points forced upon our notice which demand 
grave censure. 

First, his expressed views about women in his treatises on 
divorce are entirely unworthy of him; at once unkind and 



unjust, and, what is most striking, quite inconsistent with those 
that he expresses elsewhere. It is difficult to conceive that 
the eighth book of " Paradise Lost " with its angelic picture 
of the female character and domestic happiness can have 
come from the same pen as the " Doctrine and Discipline of 

Again, the virulence of language in some of his controversial 
works is something wholly at variance with the purity and 
elevation of all his poetry and much of his prose. He ransacks 
the stores of Latin as well as English to call his antagonists 
abusive names. It is no excuse to say such was the temper of 
the age, that Milton's opponents were as foul-mouthed as he. 1 
Such is never an adequate excuse for men of genius, of whom 
it is demanded that they shall be above their age; least of all 
with Milton, who, as he scorned women's frivolity, should 
have despised Prynne's scurrility. 

Lastly, for which he never shall have my forgiveness, he 
used to smoke a pipe every evening before going to bed. 

I reminded you that about the age of thirty Milton visited 
the Continent and passed a considerable time in the chief cities 
of Italy. I have often thought that with very little violation 
of history the successive steps of his journey might receive a 
poetical form and be typical of the course of his life. I 
imagine him at each of the Italian capitals to be visited by the 
Genius of the place and urged to surrender himself to its 
special temptation, much as he tells the like story in " Paradise 
Regained." As each proposal draws forth only refusal, the 
indignant guardian pronounces a corresponding curse. 

Beginning with Venice, in the marvellous beauty of his 
manhood, he is beset by the attractions of women, so potent 
in that city in his time; and upon his indignant refusal the 
sentence is pronounced that he shall be unhappy in love. 

At Genoa the treasures of trade and wealth are laid before 
him in all their splendor ; again he turns away — and is told 
he has nothing to expect in life but poverty. 

At Florence it is art that courts, the galleries with their 
glories of painting and sculpture. He views these too un- 

1 I have seen intimations that this virulence of abuse was practised only by 
the Puritans. Those who hold this view should read the language of Laud, 
Bishop of London, to the Rev. Thomas Shepard. — Prince's New-England 
Chronology, edition of 1826, 338. 



moved, and is threatened with blindness, even like Galileo, 
whom he has just seen in his confinement. 

The ruins of ancient Rome offer him the promise of political 
glory ; his ambition is obviously awakened, he is yielding a 
half assent, when the thought of how the great Roman leaders 
sold their very conscience makes him break off the compact ; 
and he is answered that he shall win no mean fame as a states- 
man, only to be scorned at last, and scarcely allowed to live by 
his political foemen. 

Modern Rome now calls him to the glories of religion, and 
appeals at once to his earthly and his heavenly aspirations ; 
but he spurns even more passionately the blandishments of 
the Popedom, and is told that he shall live and die an exile 
from every Christian church. 

At last he comes to Naples. The friend of Tasso entertains 
him, and he feels he can read some of the deeper secrets of the 
divine art, — he falls asleep on the cliff that overlooks the 
lovely bay, and there the shade of Virgil, rising from his tomb, 
pronounces that in full recompense for all he has surrendered 
the laurel of the bard shall be his to all eternity. 

The choir then sang choruses from Handel's oratorio of 
" Samson." The words of this oratorio, produced in London 
in 1743, were compiled by Newburgh Hamilton, mainly from 
" Samson Agonistes," the hymn on the Nativity, and " At a 
Solemn Musick." The next number was a hymn by Milton, his 
paraphrase of Psalm CXXXVL, sung to the tune of " Nurem-, 
berg," composed by Milton's contemporary, Johann Rudolph 

The benediction was given by Rev. Charles E. Park ; and 
the organ postlude by Mr. Foote was a fugue in C major by 



The stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 14th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. M. ; the senior Vice-President, Samuel A. 
Green, in the chair. 

The records of the November meeting and of the Ter- 
centenary of the birth of John Milton held on December 9 
in the edifice of the First Church in Boston were read and 
approved. The Librarian read the list of donors to the Library 
during the last two months ; and the Cabinet-Keeper reported 
the addition, to the Society's collection of portraits, of a large 
photographic likeness of John Milton made by direction of the 
committee on the tercentenary of his birth and used at the 

The senior Vice-President reported for the Council that 
Worthington C. Ford had entered upon the duties assigned 
to him as Editor of the Society's publications. 

Mr. Norcross, for the committee on the change of names 
of streets and squares, reported that a bill was to be presented 
to the General Court providing that changes of names of 
streets and squares which have stood for twenty-five years or 
more shall not be made without the consent of the State 
Highway Commission. 

Mr. Bradford then read a paper entitled " The Need 
of an Opposition.'' In this paper he referred to certain 
statements and expressions in a political address delivered 
by Mr. C. F. Adams at a public meeting in Richmond, Vir- 
ginia, October 24, during the recent presidential canvass. 
Mr. Bradford dwelt on the necessity of an organized opposi- 
tion to the successful operation of any form of parliamentary 
or representative government. He also commented on the 
absence of this factor in the past, as well as the existing 
political situation in the United States, on the reason thereof, 
and on the dangers which might not improbably result there- 
from at a not remote period. In so doing, he emphasized the 
views expressed in his well known publication entitled " The 
Lesson of Popular Government " (1899). 


Dr. Everett desired to call the attention of the members 
o a note in the report of his address at the Milton commem- 
oration. Since that was delivered, his attention had been 
■ailed to an article in the " Academy," a paper which has 
hanged its character several times lately. It is now edited 
>y Lord Alfred Douglas, a member of the ill-starred Queens- 
jerry family, whose various misfortunes might appear almost 
o have affected his reason, as he exhibits a sort of antediluvian 
roryism in matters of church and state in language beyond 
ueasure abusive. The Academy's article on Milton, written 
n a strain of depreciation almost sinking to contempt, alludes 
o his sarcastic writings as written with a virulence of language 
>eculiar to the Puritans. Dr. Everett therefore referred 
he members to the record in Prince's Chronology (p. 338, 
dition of 1826), which contains the following account of a 
cene between Laud, Bishop of London, and Rev. Thomas 
>hepard : 

(This year Dr. I. Mather tells us) bishop Laud persecutes Mr. 
Thomas) Shepard (in England) for preaching a lecture, notwith- 
tanding he is now a Conformist, not having searched into the princi- 
les of the Nonconformists till after this ; I have by me a manuscript 
f Mr. Shepard's, written with his own hand, in which are these 

December 16, 1630. I was inhibited from preaching in the diocess 
f London by Dr. Laud, bishop of that diocess. As soon as I came in 
he morning, about eight of the clock, falling into a fit of rage, he asked 
ie, what degree I had taken in the University ? I answered him, I 
ras a master of arts. He asked, of what college ? I answered, of 
Emanuel. He asked how long I had lived in his diocess ? I answered 
hree years and upwards. He asked, who maintained me all this while? 
harging me to deal plainly with him, adding withal, that he had been 
lore cheated and equivocated with by some of my malignant faction 
ban ever was man by Jesuit. At the speaking of which words he 
Doked as though blood would have gushed out of his face, and did 
hake as if he had been haunted with an ague fit, to my apprehension, 
y reason of his extreme malice and secret venom. I desired him to 
xcuse me, he fell then to threaten me, and withal to bitter railing, 
ailing me all to naught, saying, you prating coxcomb ! do you think 
11 the learning is in your brain ? He pronounced his seutence thus ; 

charge you that you neither preach, read, marry, bury, or exercise 
ny ministerial function in any part of my diocess, for if you do, and I 
ear of it, I will be upon your back and follow you wherever you go, in 


any part of the kingdom, and so everlastingly disenable you. I besaught 
him not to deal so, in regard of a poor town ; and here he stopt me in 
what I was going on to say. A poor town ! you have made a company 
of seditious, factious bedlams, and what do you prate to me of a poor 
town ? I prayed him to suffer me to catechise in the Sabbath 
days in the afternoon ; he replied, spare your breath, I will have no 
such fellows prate in my diocess ; get you gone, and now make 
your complaints to whom your will ? So away I went, and blessed be 
God that I may go to him. (Thus did this bishop, a professed disciple 
of the meek and lowly Jesus, treat one of the most pious, humble, 
diligent and faithful young ministers in the Church of England in 
this day.) 

In this tirade the future archbishop deals in language quite 
as coarse as anything used by Milton against Salmasius or 

Dr. Everett further said that a defence had been found 
by our late associate Samuel R. Gardiner for the tyranny of 
Laud, Strafford, and their master on the ground that they were 
all entirely honest, but failed to understand the English people 
of their day. This does not better the case. It is the business 
of men in positions of such authority to understand their na- 
tion ; to ask themselves every day whether they do under- 
stand it, especially when they find their favorite measures 
opposed. Pym, Hampden, Cromwell, and Milton had so 
understood Englishmen ; it 'might be said that Clarendon, 
royalist as he was, saw far clearer than the King what the 
nation would stand. 

It is a pleasant contrast to see how completely the present 
King of England understands the people he rules, and how ad- 
mirably he plays his part, both at home and abroad, for this 
very reason. 

James Schotjler, a Corresponding Member, read the fol- 
lowing paper : 

Abraham Lincoln at Tremont Temple in 1848. 
It is matter of history that in September, 1848, Abraham 
Lincoln visited Boston and vicinity to make political speeches 
for the Whig candidate, General Zachary Taylor, during the 
presidential campaign of that year ; and that on the evening 
of the 22d he appeared on the same platform with William H. 
Seward of New York, at Tremont Temple, to address a 


large Whig audience gathered in this city. 1 So far as I 
am aware, however, the details of that visit have never 
been explored, and the object of the present paper is to 
set them forth as fully as the authentic information still 
accessible may permit. For this was the only political visit, 
and indeed the only genuine visit at all, that this foremost 
among our nineteenth-century Americans ever made to 

Lincoln was at this stage of his career a Whig member of 
Congress in the House, and in fact the only Whig representa- 
tive at all from Illinois who served in the thirtieth Congress. 
That service for a single term of two years was his only one 
before he returned to Washington in 1861 to become President 
of the United States during the most perilous crisis of our his- 
tory. He did not stand for reelection to the House in 1848, 
and his district reverted to the Democrats at a polling held 
shortly before he came to Boston, 2 while he lingered in Wash- 
ington, franking documents and corresponding with political 

Before turning westward, through New York State, to his 
distant home in Illinois, Lincoln came to Massachusetts as a 
campaign orator, after making a> few speeches in Maryland. 
His first public appearance here was at Worcester, September 
12, 1848, on the evening which preceded the Whig State con- 
vention held Wednesday in that city, where the well-beloved 
George N. Briggs was renominated for Governor and State 
electors at large were fixed upon for the Whig presidential 
ticket. His final speech of this tour was at Boston on Friday 
the 22d, — that Tremont-Temple occasion to which I refer. 
Hence Lincoln's present visit to Massachusetts occupied some 
ten days in all, most of which time he must have passed in 
Boston and its close vicinity. 

The initial speech at Worcester was before a crowded audi- 
ence at City Hall and aroused much enthusiasm. On the next 
forenoon, September 13, Lincoln was one of several who spoke 
out-of-doors from a temporary stand erected near the railroad 
station ; and confusion being made by the arrival of Whig del- 

1 J. Schouler, History of the United States, v. 112, note ; J. G. Nicolay and 
J. Hay, Abraham Lincoln, a History, i. 281. 

2 But he aided in carrying this Congressional district for Taylor in the follow- 
ing November. 


egations from different parts of the State with their brass 
bands, speakers and audience joined presently in marching to 
the convention hall to attend proceedings. Levi Lincoln of 
Worcester, ripe in Whig honors, was probably present at this 
convention and his name headed the electoral list ; while 
Rufus Choate and Robert C. Winthrop made the chief speeches 
to the assembled delegates. 

Next in order, so far as the Boston newspapers record his 
movements, Abraham Lincoln addressed the Boston Whig 
Club on Friday, September 15, at their headquarters on Brom- 
field Street. On Monday evening, the 18th, he took part with 
other orators at Dorchester, and on Tuesday he spoke at 
Chelsea. Wednesday afternoon, the 20th, he attended a Whig 
ratification meeting called in Dedham, but had to cut short his 
speech in order to meet a more pressing engagement in the 
evening at Cambridge, where as the chief speaker in a Whig 
rally held at City Hall he made, a powerful impression upon a 
large and intelligent audience. Two nights later came Bos- 
ton's memorable Whig gathering at Tremont Temple in which 
this tour culminated. Not only did civic voters turn out that 
evening in full strength to welcome and applaud their two 
great champions from States west of New England, but Whig 
clubs and committee men from a considerable distance were 
also in attendance. Seward, lately Governor of the Empire 
State and soon to become one of its United States senators, seems 
to have been the favorite of the occasion, taking precedence in 
the programme ; but Lincoln made good his own performance 
at the close. His speech, interrupted by shouts of laughter 
and approving exclamations, was cheered to the echo at its 
end, and the meeting broke up at nearly half past ten, with 
hearty and repeated rounds of applause for both speakers and 
the Whig candidate. Applications came to Boston the next day 
from various parts of the State to secure this bright and breezy 
orator for other political meetings ; but it was announced in 
the press that he had already started homeward for Illinois 
and the West, leaving Boston and Massachusetts by railway 
train the very next morning. 

Lincoln's unique figure and physiognomy must have im- 
pressed his audiences on this brief visit. The " Boston Daily 
Advertiser " of September 14, in reporting his speech of the 


12th at Worcester, described him as u a very tall and thin 
figure, with an intellectual face, showing a searching mind, 
and a cool judgment. He spoke in a clear and cool, and very 
eloquent manner, for an hour and a half, carrying the audience 
with him in his able arguments and brilliant illustrations — 
only interrupted by warm and frequent applause." An en- 
thusiastic hearer of his Cambridge speech thus wrote of him 
to "The Boston Daily Atlas" of the 22d, " Mr. Lincoln . . . 
is a capital specimen of a ' Sucker ' 1 Whig, six feet at least in 
his stockings, and every way worthy to represent that Spartan 
band of the only Whig district in poor benighted Illinois." 
Later, I may add,, in early 1860, when Lincoln made his famous 
Cooper Institute speech on February 27, "Burleigh," 2 a New 
York correspondent of the " Boston Daily Journal," of the 
29th, sketched him humorously as " tall, slim, lank, rather 
queer, with an unmistakably Yankee look — dresses like a 
Connecticut deacon — with a voice fifey and shrill." That 
44 Yankee look," upon which our novelist Hawthorne com- 
mented when he saw Lincoln still later at the White House, 3 
and which made him seem, even to unfamiliar Eastern men, 
some kinsman not remote of their own rural neighborhoods, 
fixed deeply the beholder in Massachusetts even thus early 
in 1848 ; for we find " The Daily [Boston] Chronotype " 
of September 23, whose Free-soil editor was of the bitter 
and biting sort, making contemptuous allusion to " Mr. 
Abram Lincoln," on his present visit, as "the suckerized 

Our Illinois campaigner occupied an hour or an hour and a 
half in the political speeches of this ten days' tour, when given 
his full opportunity, and it seems quite certain that the staple 
of all those speeches was alike. Party contemporaries agree 
that this stranger from the West spoke with perfect coolness 
and self-possession ; that he was clear and logical in argu- 
ment, plain, cogent, and to the point; that his illustrations 
were apt and told upon his hearers with capital effect ; and 
that he invariably carried his audience with him, interrupted 

1 Defined in the Century Dictionary as a " cant name for an inhabitant of 
Illinois." See also Bartlett's Dictionary of Americanisms. 

2 Rev. Matthew Hale Smith. 

3 Hawthorne's account of his visit to Washington in March, 1862, under the 
title " Chiefly about War-Matters. By a peaceable man," appeared in " The At- 
lantic Monthly " for July, 1862, x. 43-61. 



by sympathetic applause, and concluding his remarks usually 
in a strain of earnest and persuasive eloquence. 

As for our Tremont-Temple occasion, more particularly, on 
Friday, September 22, the Boston committee in charge had 
found it difficult to secure a hall for the meeting, and hence 
proposed to hold the Whig rally in Court Square behind the 
City Hall. But the weather proved threatening and unpro- 
pitious for an open-air gathering, and hence Tremont Temple 
was procured through special effort, announcement being made 
by noon of such a change in the arrangements. The building 
itself of that date occupied the same convenient site on Tremont 
Street as the present Temple, and afforded the same unique 
combination of religious and secular revenues to finance a 
plain congregation of Christian people. Its chief hall, with 
convenient galleries, could seat a large audience then as now, 
while at the rear of its broad platform stood an organ with 
gilded pipes, leaving ample space in front for a full chorus 
choir. This hall was filled early, that Friday evening, by 
the great Whig gathering which listened to the two orators 
from New York and Illinois. The meeting was called to or- 
der by William Hayden at eight o'clock. George Lunt was 
chosen chairman of the meeting, and Ezra Lincoln, Jr., 

Faneuil Hall had been appropriated, most of this same week, 
for an exhibition of the Massachusetts Horticultural Society, 
which closed, this Friday evening, with a grand banquet, at 
which some twelve hundred persons were present, both ladies 
and gentlemen. 1 A band of music enlivened the exercises, 
and among the post-prandial speakers were Winthrop and 
Mayor Quincy, whose venerable father was also present. 
President Marshall P. Wilder of the Society officiated as host. 
Boston's Music Hall was not yet in existence. The Whigs se- 
cured Tremont Temple for their political meeting only through 
the courtesy of a Dr. Col ton, who was showing there at this 
time a large painting by Rembrandt Peale called " The Court 
of Death," which occupied three hundred and twelve square 
feet of canvas and contained twenty-three figures of life size. 
That exhibition, with Dr. Colton's descriptive lecture, was 
kindly intermitted for this particular evening, and most likely 

1 Boston Post, September 23, 1848. 


he great gruesome picture itself was in the rear of the orators, 
lecently draped for the occasion. 

Boston was at this time a strongly Whig city of energy and 
obriety, ruled ably and honestly by social leaders of good New 
England stock, the native Protestant element predominating, 
^mong the city ordinances was one which forbade smoking in 
he streets. It chanced that metropolitan New York was 
,bout this time proposing to confer upon a young sailor u the 
reedom of the city," in recognition of his gallant behavior at 
ea during a shipwreck ; and the question being widely dis- 
cussed by the press what this privilege meant, a correspondent 
if the " Daily Evening Transcript" — that favorite sheet 
,lready of tea-table readers and writers, albeit more nearly of 
, napkin's size to hold in hand than it is now — suggested that 
'freedom of the city" meant permission to light one's pipe or 
iigar when he went out walking. It was on October 25th of 
his year, 1848, that Boston's great celebration occurred, upon 
he introduction of pure water from Lake Cochituate ; a holi- 
lay never to be forgotten by the youth of our public schools, 
vho at noon were drawn up in line, under white silk banners, 
m the Tremont-Street mall of the Common, as the civic pro- 
fession passed by ; falling in behind, afterwards, to join the 
,ssembled crowd at the Frog Pond and sing their ode, " My 
Lame is Water," when the fountain jet was let on late in the 
,fternoon. That same evening private houses throughout the 
ity were illuminated in the windows by small bottle lamps 
yhich held wicks and whale oil ; and those same lamps 
erved politically a few evenings after, with scarcely less 
ustre, to welcome the grand Taylor and Fillmore torch- 
ight parade. 

While it is certain that Lincoln's speech at Tremont Temple 
yas in all respects a success, holding the large audience as- 
embled there in close attention to a late hour, no real report 
>f it was given in the next day's papers. This, however, seems 
o have been owing to an unusual pressure of other matter 
eeking space in the columns of that Saturday's issue ; and 
>eeause, too, the speech of Seward that evening, unusually 
houghtful and suggestive, was what the Whigs had come 
aainly to hear or wished to read reported. Lincoln, in course 
>f his remarks here and elsewhere, made many happy hits at 


our " conscience Whigs," whose defection seems to have caused 
the chief anxiety of the Massachusetts canvass ; but though 
such derision made much merriment and applause in the audi- 
ence, there appears no proof that he let himself go with stories 
and high-flavored allusions, as he had lately done in Congress 
while discussing Cass, the Democratic candidate. On the con- 
trary, he seems to have repressed such tendencies while in 
Massachusetts, and to have made his strong points with some- 
thing of sobriety to suit cultured audiences. 

In point of fact the first and initial speech of this visit, which 
Lincoln made at Worcester, contained the substance of all his 
subsequent orations while on this brief visit ; and that speech 
borrowed its main argument from his remarks in July on the 
floor of Congress. That Worcester address of September 12 
was well reported the next day in several of our Boston papers ; 
the " Advertiser " report being, indeed, so full and satisfactory 
that it has gone word for word into the posthumous edition of 
Abraham Lincoln's works ; for Lincoln himself left no note of 
any speeches made during this campaign. And thus we per- 
ceive, first of all, that this self-trained orator from the West, 
when coming among our more conventional people of the East, 
felt a certain constraint as to modes of expression, such as he 
showed again in 1860 when in New York City. For, as the 
"Advertiser" of September 14, 1848, reports, he opened his 
Worcester speech with somewhat deprecating humor, an- 
nouncing his diffidence in addressing an audience " this side 
of the mountains," where, as those of his own section 
believed, " everybody was supposed to be instructed and 

Quaint idioms and droll turns of expression gave doubtless 
a piquancy and zest to Lincoln's utterances on this tour, while 
all his flings of fun at the opposition were good-natured. Yet 
if he really felt during his visit in a racy and rollicking mood, 
it was probably on the last appearance at Tremont Temple ; 
for by that time he was familiar with the fibre of his argument 
as well as with the moods of a Massachusetts Whig audience. 
Yet the only jocular remarks in these ten days' speeches which 
are really in evidence are two. According to the " Advertiser," 
when speaking of the Free-soil platform, — a non-committal 
one upon all points except as to slave extension, — he likened 
its adaptability of principles to the pair of pantaloons offered 


for sale by a peddler which were " large enough for any man, 
small enough for any boy." 1 And again the ''Boston Courier " 
of September 23 reports an allusion which he made in his 
Boston speech to the Free-soil supporters of Van Buren as 
" pseudo-Whigs " who had " hitched themselves on the skirts 
of that * artful dodger ' of Kinderhook." 

Lincoln's logic, here as always, took a plain and original 
line, and carried conviction to his hearers ; yet in 1848 it was 
not wholly devoid of casuistry. The Whig candidate had been 
curbed by his managers in letter-writing on political topics 
while the election was pending ; hence opponents argued, not 
without pertinence, that General Taylor had no political prin- 
ciples at all. Against such a charge Lincoln defended the 
hero by arguing that Taylor had a principle, and that was that 
the people's will should be obeyed by a President and not 
frustrated by interposing the veto power. Such a candidate, 
he claimed, stands well in contrast with leaders like Clay, who 
tell us in advance what they think should be done, while " old 
rough and ready," reserved on such points, is content to act 
right when the time comes and allow the people, through their 
chosen representatives in Congress, to have their own way. 
As a matter of fact, Zachary Taylor proved as President to 
have an opinion of his own, and a decided one, on the chief 
issue of the day, and had he lived out his term Clay's compro- 
mise measures of 1850 would most likely have failed. So, 
again, Lincoln held up Van Buren as obsequious to his force- 
ful master, Andrew Jackson, both in Texas annexation and 
the Mexican war; and this, again, was hardly just. Van 
Buren, as it proved, did the Whigs great service in this cam- 
paign by his Free-soil candidacy, for he thus diverted the 
Democratic vote of New York from Cass, the regular candi- 
date of the party, and paid off neatly an old score of his 

Massachusetts Whigs at this time wished the " Wilmot pro- 
viso," or ordinance of freedom, applied to all the new territory 
be}ond the Rio Grande which we were wresting from Mexico ; 
and their hope was well founded that Tajdor would not veto 
any measure of that kind which might pass Congress. Such 
was at this time the great national issue which divided North 
and South, antedating by only a few years, as it proved, the 

1 2 Proceedings, ii. 416. 


struggle over free territory whose renewal under other aus- 
pices tolled the death knell of American slavery. Lincoln felt 
deeply on this territorial issue in 1848, yet not so deeply as 
he came to feel when that same issue arose again. As to slav- 
ery, he said in his Worcester speech that the people of Illinois 
agreed entirely with the people of Massachusetts on this sub- 
ject, except perhaps that they did not keep so constantly 
thinking about it. Seward's speech at Tremont Temple, how- 
ever, — which u The Boston Daily Atlas " the next day, the 
23d, reported fully, — struck the keynote of a bolder utterance, 
and tradition relates that Lincoln gained inspiration from 
it. 1 Seward proclaimed on this occasion that the time would 
come, and that too in his day, when the free people would 
free the slaves of this country. This, however, he added 
with less of prophetic foresight, would be accomplished by 
moral force — by paying a national remuneration for so great 
a blessing. 

We would gladly know, but we cannot find out, what were 
the attendant circumstances of this ten days' visit of Abraham 
Lincoln to Boston and its neighborhood. Current chronicle 
fails frequently to comprehend what details of the present are 
most likely to interest a coming generation. How our great 
leader of later years employed his leisure while among us, 
where he lodged, 2 with whom he affiliated, how socially he em- 
ployed his time, what Boston thought of him personally or he 
of Boston, — on all such points as these we are left in inevita- 
ble doubt. The Boston press of 1848 was not given to idle 
gossip over the private relations of people ; nor had that con- 
venient custom of interviewing noted guests and visitors come 
so early into vogue. Quite likely the giant form of our Illi- 
nois statesman was seen strolling on Boston Common, or ex- 
ploring our historic buildings, or gazing upward at the new 

1 J. Schouler, History of the United States, v. 112, note. 

2 Since this paper was read, I have been referred to an interesting letter by 
" Templeton " in " The Boston [Sunday] Herald " of April 26, 1885, page 13. It 
was written from personal recollection by George Harris Monroe, who was before 
his death a Resident Member of our Historical Society. His description of 1848 
relates particularly to the orator's afternoon visit and speech at Dedham, pre- 
ceding the evening engagement for Cambridge. It would appear from this letter 
that Lincoln made the Tremont House his headquarters while in Boston. It was 
there that the Norfolk County Whig Committee, of which Mr. Monroe was a 
member, visited him and procured his attendance. 


granite shaft of Bunker Hill. Perhaps on some leisure occa- 
sion he dropped in at the Museum to see one of those protean 
oerformances in which Warren figured, or at darkened Amory 
Hall enjoyed Bayne's panoramic Voyage to Europe with its 
oianoforte interludes and a storm at sea. At Worcester he very 
likely met Levi Lincoln and Senator John Davis, while at the 
3onvention in that city he must have listened to the Whig elo- 
quence of Choate and Winthrop. Perhaps he called upon the 
ast-named when in Boston, to pay his respects, for Winthrop 
was at this time Speaker of the House at Washington, and 
Dwed his single Illinois vote for that post to our present so- 
journer. Josiah Quincy, Jr., the mayor of Boston this year, 
was a man of marked politeness and urbanity, and from him 
3ur visitor may have received attentions. But Lincoln is not 
reported as present personally at the Horticultural banquet, 
though Seward was there and managed to speak both at 
Faneuil Hall and Tremont Temple that same Friday evening, 
the 22d. Of the Adamses Lincoln probably saw little, for 
Charles Francis Adams was running for Vice-President on that 
same Van Buren ticket which our orator aspersed so freely. 
Nor could he have come very close to Webster, for that god- 
like of men still sulked at Marshfield over General Taylor's 
nomination, pronouncing it not fit to be made. 

In those Whig da} r s so many prominent families of Massa- 
chusetts were identified with active politics in one way or 
another that some fellow-members of this Society may have 
traditions to impart regarding Lincoln's visit of 1848 ; and if 
so, their statements ought to be taken for permanent record be- 
fore all such recollections pass into oblivion. I have a paternal 
incident of the kind, and I venture to relate it. In 1848 Wil- 
liam Schouler was editor and publisher of " The Boston Daily 
Atlas," a leading Whig organ of New England in its day which 
perished with the Whig party itself. The counting-room of 
the "Atlas," as I well remember, was in the Old State House ; 
while its printing and editorial rooms occupied a gloomy brick 
building in the rear of that dingy but historic alley running 
from the old Court House to Cornhill, which to this day bears 
the imposing name of Franklin Avenue. Down that dingy 
alley and into the gloomy brick building strode Abraham 
Lincoln one day, in the course of his present visit, and, toil- 
ing up the dark staircase, made a call upon this " Atlas " 


editor to have a free talk with him over the national outlook. 
This talk he recalled with jocular comment when domiciled 
at the White House in 1861. I still hold in family possession 
two letters 1 which Lincoln wrote to " Friend Schooler " from 
Washington shortly before he came to Massachusetts in 1848 ; 
and a third, still more familiar in tone, was mailed from Wash- 
ington soon after Taylor's election, and I find it printed in the 
posthumous collection of Lincoln's works. Doubtless that last 
letter made its way back into the writer's own hands on the 
White House occasion to which I allude. 

1 The letters above referred to, hitherto unpublished, which Abraham Lincoln 
wrote while a member of Congress, are as follows : 

Washington, August 8, 1848. 
Friend Schooler, — I am remaining here for two weeks to frank documents. 
Now that the Presidential candidates are all set, 1 will thank you for your un- 
disguised opinion as to what New England generally and Massachusetts par- 
ticularly will do. Your opinion as to the nomination of Taylor held so good that 
I have confidence in your predictions; Very truly yours, 

A. Lincoln. 

Washington, August 28, 1848. 

Friend Schooler, — \ Your letter of the 21st was received two or three days 
ago, and for which please accept my thanks, both for your courtesy and the en- 
couraging news in it. The news we are receiving here now from all parts is on 
the look-up. We have had several letters from Ohio to-day, all encouraging. 
Two of them inform us that Hon. C. B. Smith, on his way here, addressed a 
larger and more enthusiastic audience, at Cincinnati, than has been seen in that 
city since 1840. Smith himself wrote one of the letters; and he says the signs 
are decidedly good. Letters from the Reserve are of the same character. The 
tone of the letters — free from despondency — full of hope — is what particularly 
encourages me. If a man is scared when he writes, I think I can detect it, when 
I see what he writes. 

I would rather not be put upon explaining how Logan was defeated in my dis- 
trict. In the first place I have no particulars from there, my friends, supposing 
I am on the road home, not having written me. Whether there was a full turn 
out of the voters I have as yet not learned. The most I can now say is that 
a good many Whigs, without good cause, as I think, were unwilling to go for 
Logan, and some of them so wrote me before the election. On the other hand 
Harris was a Major of the war, and fought at Cerro Gordo, where several Whigs 
of the district fought with him. These two facts and their effects, I presume 
tell the whole story. That there is any political change against us in the district 
I cannot believe ; because I wrote some time ago to every county of the district for 
an account of changes ; and, in answer I got the names of four against us, eighty- 
three for us. I dislike to predict, but it seems to me the district must and will 
be found right side up again in November. Yours truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

The third letter to "Friend Schooler," dated from Washington, February 2, 
1849, is published in Abraham Lincoln's Works, by J. G. Nicolay and J. Hay, 
i. 149 ; and evidently the editors could not identify the recipient. 


Such, then, is the narrative, so far as I am able to construct 
it, of the only political visit to this vicinity — and in truth of 
the only genuine visit at all — ever made by that fellow-citizen 
and stranger from the West whose name in twenty years was 
to ring down the grooves of time. On this point I am con- 
firmed by his eminent son, Hon. Robert Todd Lincoln, from 
whom I have lately received three letters on the present sub- 
ject, which I am permitted to print with this paper. 1 That 
son went through Harvard during the era of our Civil War, 
but the President, his father, never came to Massachusetts to 

1 The three letters received by me from Hon. Robert T. Lincoln are as follows : 

Augusta, Georgia, December 27, 1907. 

My dear Sir, — Your letter of the 19th instant comes to me here, accompanied 
by some memoranda from my secretary in Chicago, Mr. Sweet, who was able at 
once to lay his hands upon some correspondence which enables me to answer your 
inquiry with certainty. 

I can say at once that you are entirely correct in your supposition that my 
father's speech in Boston in 1848 was made on the only political visit that he 
ever made to Boston. I am quite sure of this. He never came to Boston in 
connection with my course of education at Harvard, but he made a visit to New 
England in the winter of 1860 in order to visit me at Exeter, N. H., where I 
was then a student in the Phillips Academy. 

The circumstances and principal instances of the visit are as follows : At the 
time he made his speech at the Cooper Institute in New York in February, 1860, 
he mentioned to several peopls that he had no further plans except to visit me at 
Exeter, where I had gone six months before to prepare for the entrance examina- 
tions of Harvard in the summer of 1860. In consequence he was requested to 
make a speech at Providence, R. I., which he did on February 28th. He then 
went to Exeter, N. H, to see me, and I think he spoke there on the night of 
February 29th. I remember the occasion very well, but am not entirely sure of the 
date. It could be learned easily by examination of the files of the Exeter News 
Letter. On March 1st he spoke in the afternoon at Concord, N. H., and in the 
evening at Manchester, N. H. On the evening of March 2nd he spoke at Dover, 
N. H. I was with him on this little New Hampshire tour. He returned to 
Exeter, spending Sunday, March 4th, with me, and proceeded on his homeward 
journey making the following speeches: March 5th, Hartford, Ct. ; March 6th, 
Meriden, Ct. ; March 7th, New Haven, Ct. ; March 8th, Woonsocket, R. I. ; March 
9th, Norwalk, Ct. ; March 10th, Bridgeport, Ct. I am quite sure that in coming 
and going he passed through Boston merely as an unknown traveller. 
Believe me, 

Very truly yours, 

Robert T. Lincoln. 

Chicago, January 29, 1908. 
My dear Sir, — I duly received your note of the 1st of January and did not 
acknowledge it because in it you state that you would make use of my letter unless 
you heard from me to the contrary. I have, of course, no objection to the use of 
the facts I gave in it. 

Since then I have come across a letter written by my father to my mother on 



see him there. He did, however, as a private citizen, make 
the son a visit at Exeter, while the latter was fitting there for 
college in 1860, journeying thither from New York City on 
February 27 of that year, after making his speech at the 
Cooper Institute. This parental visit gave occasion for vari- 
ous speeches in New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecti- 
cut, before the return in March to Illinois. 

But Lincoln did not speak in Massachusetts at all on that 
latter tour to New England, and he passed through Boston, 
if he passed at all, only as a casual and unknown traveller. 
For this, I think, there was some special reason; and I impute 
it to the fact that the Republicans of Massachusetts held their 

March 4th, at Exeter, N. H., in which he wrote to her of what he had already done, 
and of his engagements up to and including the speech to be made at Woonsocket, 
R. I., on Thursday March 8th. This makes up nine speeches after his New York 
speech, and is the list which he refers to in what I will now quote to you. " I 
have been unable to escape this toil. If I had foreseen it, I think I would not 
have come east at all. The speech at New York, being within my calculation 
before I started, went off passably well and gave me no trouble whatever. The 
difficulty was to make nine others, before reading audiences who had already 
seen all my ideas in print." 

I think his comment on the work is interesting in view of the effect which 
was being made upon his future career without thought of it by him, by his un- 
anticipated speeches, which would not have been made but for his visit to a 
school boy. Believe me, Very sincerely yours, 

Robert T. Lincoln. 

Manchester, Vt., October 22, 1908. 

My dear Sir, — I receive here your letter of October 17th, in which you ask 
if I can give you any information regarding m} r father's visit to Massachusetts in 
1848. Of course I could have no personal recollection of the matter, for at that 
time I was only three years of age, and I am sorry to say that I have no other 
information on the subject which you do not already have. 

Mr. Sweet, my assistant in Chicago, who is about as familiar with my personal 
affairs as I am myself, and in some respects more so, sends me your letter, saying 
that he has gone through my father's papers, but finds nothing in them relating 
to his visit to Massachusetts in 1848, except a paragraph in his autobiography in 
which he speaks of his advocacy of General Taylor's election and of his speaking 
several times in Massachusetts. You probably have access to this document your- 
self, but for your convenience I send you the copy which Mr. Sweet sent to me. 

I am very sorry that I cannot give you any further information on the subject, 
but I do not know where I could obtain anything additional. Very truly yours, 

Robert T. Lincoln. 

Extract from Abraham Lincoln's Autobiography enclosed : " In 1848, during 
his term in Congress, he advocated Gen. Taylor's nomination to the Presidency, 
in opposition to all others, and also took an active part for his election after his 
nomination, speaking a few times in Maryland, near Washington, several times in 
Massachusetts, and canvassing quite fully his own district in Illinois, which was 
followed by a majority in the district of over 1500 for Gen. Taylor." 


3onvention at Worcester at this very time — namely, on the 
1th of March — to nominate delegates at large for the national 
party convention which was to assemble at Chicago. Abraham 
Lincoln was invited to attend this convention of 1860 at Worces- 
ter, — renewing thus his political memories of 1848, — and the 
press announced him for an address at that gathering ; but he 
Dleaded engagements elsewhere and did not come. It hap- 
pened that the favorite of this Massachusetts Republican con- 
tention was Seward, and Lincoln's invitation must have been 
extended to him without the remotest idea that he and not 
Seward would prove to be the party's nominee for the Presi- 
lency and lead to victory. But Lincoln's published corre- 
spondence shows that he already knew of the preparations his 
Illinois friends were making at home to place him before the 
ionvention at Chicago, when the time came, as irresistibly 
;he candidate. Hence, as I infer, a sense of delicacy caused 
lim to keep clear altogether of Massachusetts Republicans 
md their State convention at such a time. 

The following unpublished letter of Lincoln to Mr. James 
s in the Washburn collection, in the manuscripts of the 

Springfield, Feb. 9, 1846. 

Dear James, — You have seen, ot will see what I am inclined to 
hink you will regard as rather an extraordinary communication in the 
Vlorgan Journal. The " excessive modesty v of its tone is certainly 
idmirable. As an excuse for getting before the public, the writer sets 
>ut with a pretence of answering an article which I believe appeared in 
he Lacon paper some time since, taking the ground that the Pekin con- 
tention had settled the rotation principle. Now whether the Pekin 
convention did or did not settle that principle, I care not. If I am 
lot, in what I have done, and am able to do, for the party, near enough 
he equal of Gen 1 Hardin, to entitle me to the nomination, now that he 
las one, I scorn it on any and all other grounds. 

So far then, as this Morgan Journal communication may relate to the 
Pekin convention, I rather prefer that your paper shall let it " stink and 
lie " unnoticed. 

There is, however, as you will see, another thing in the communica- 
ion which is an attempt to injure me because of my declining to reccom- 
nend the adoption of a new plan, for the selecting a candidate. The 
ittempt is to make it appear that I am unwilling to have a fair expres- 
don of the whigs of the District upon our respective claims. Now 


nothing can be more false in fact ; and if Gen 1 Hardin, had chosen to 
furnish his friend with my written reason for declining that part of 
his plan ; and that friend had chosen to publish that reason, instead 
of his own construction of the act, the falsehood of his insinuation 
would have been most apparant. That written reason was as fol- 
lows, towit : 

" As to your proposals that a poll shall be opened in every precinct, 
and that the whole shall take place on the same day, I do not personally 
object. They seem to me to not be unfair ; and I forbear to join in 
proposing them, only because I rather choose to leave the decision in 
each county, to the whigs of the county, to be made as their own judg- 
ment and convenience may dictate." 

I send you this as a weapon with which to demolish, what I can not 
but regard as a mean insinuation against me. You may use it as you 
please ; I prefer however that you should show it to some of our friends, 
and not publish it, unless in your judgment it becomes rather urgently 
necessary. The reason I want to keep all points of controversy out of 
the papers, so far as possible, is, that it will be just all we can do, 
to keep out of a quarrel — and I am resolved to do my part to keep 
peace. Yours truly 

A. Lincoln. 

[Addressed] B. F. James, Tremont, Illinois. 

Mr. Rantoul spoke substantially as follows: 

It seems to be expected, in this year of grace, that every- 
body who has any first-hand knowledge of Abraham Lincoln 
will share it with the public. I was visiting Washington in 
January, 1863, and saw Mr. Lincoln for the first time at a pub- 
lic reception in the East Room of the White House. When 
he got my card from the officer in attendance, he repeated the 
name to himself several times and then said : " I wonder if 
you are connected with a lawyer of that name who came to 
Illinois, about 1850, to secure from our legislature the charter 
of the Illinois Central Railroad ? " I told him that was my 
father. Upon which he burst forth with a great roar of laugh- 
ter and much gesticulation, and said that he did all he could 
to stop it, but was not successful. He said he was retained 
by local capitalists who, although they could not then build the 
road as they had already been intending, were very unwilling 
that eastern capitalists should step in and secure a grant which 
would make it forever impossible for them to build a road. 
But they were defeated. He favored me with some minutes 
of interesting conversation on this theme, and spoke with such 


amused good-humor of the incident that my reception whetted 
rather than allayed my curiosity to see more of this extraordi- 
nary man. I had done what I could to help secure his elec- 
tion in 1860, and had, five years before that date, been active 
in the organization of the Republican party of Massachusetts. 
[ may add that I saw Mr. Lincoln a number of times after 
that day. 

Our Essex Congressman at that time was John B. Alley, 
one of a little group of business men in Congress upon whose 
knowledge of financial matters Mr. Lincoln was much inclined 
bo lean. The Boston Congressman, Samuel Hooper, was an- 
other of them. Mr. Alley asked me and Mr. Endicott, our 
associate member, who was in Washington at the time, if we 
would like to see Mr. Lincoln in the privacy of his own office 
and in absolute freedom from constraint. If so, he could readily 
secure an appointment with him at some early hour, before he 
put on his harness for the duties of the day. Of course we 
assented, and an interview was arranged. We met the Presi- 
dent, only the three other persons named being present, in the 
little office where he had his war-maps and writing materials, 
but almost no furniture. A three-quarters-length portrait 
of President Jackson hung over the fireplace. Here Mr. 
Lincoln, in absolute disregard of all conventionalisms whether 
of speech or bearing, allowed his conversation to ramble on from 
topic to topic in a way that gave more insight into the work- 
ings of his mind than an hour passed in his presence under any 
other circumstances could have afforded. 

I omit all reference to his very extraordinary personality, so 
often described and now familiar, except to note that he had 
a habit, constantly practised by Rufus Choate, of passing his. 
right hand slowly around his head and through his unkempt 
hair, when actively engaged in thought. His clothing was 
in hopeless disorder, and I thought him then, and think 
him now, the most ungainly man I have ever seen. His fea- 
tures, not so familiar then as they are now, were strong, ex- 
pressive, and sympathetic, and lighted up with intelligence 
and enthusiasm the moment his mind found itself in touch 
with another. 

Much of the time of the interview was consumed in question- 
ing me as to public men in Massachusetts. After renewing 
his inquiries about my father, who had died in 1852, he passed 


to Rufus Choate, who had died in 1859, and in whom he seemed 
greatly interested. He then took up, in turn, Garrison and 
Wendell Phillips, — then living leaders of thought, — and, I 
think I am right in adding, Theodore Parker, who had died 
two years before. Upon all these he asked questions and made 
comments which showed so great an insight into the personal 
politics of our section as to be truly astonishing. After learning 
all I was able to tell of the attitude of these and some other 
Massachusetts men, and of the estimation in which they were 
held at home, he took up Robert C. Winthrop, and began to 
speak of him with an interest which amounted to enthusiasm. 
This surprised me, for the two men seemed to be the antipodes 
of one another. He told us that he had been travelling in New 
England on a professional or political errand, when he learned 
from the newspapers that by stopping over a day or two he 
would be able to attend a Whig State Convention in Massa- 
chusetts. The temptation was too great to be resisted. He 
had long been curious to see how these matters were conducted 
in Massachusetts, because, while he was sure our methods must 
be very different from those in use at the West, he had formed 
little idea what our methods were. Accordingly he indulged 
himself in a little delay, and was rewarded by listening to a 
speech of Mr. Winthrop in the convention, 1 which he pro- 
nounced without qualification to have been the best occasional 
address of the kind he had ever listened to before or since. 2 
It should be said that he had known Mr. Winthrop in Wash- 
ington. They were members of the same Congress, and Mr. 
Winthrop had been the Speaker of it. In fact, Lincoln might 
claim to have elected Winthrop to the Speakership, for he 
voted for Winthrop and the choice was decided by a single 

This kindly and enthusiastic reference, from the lips of the 
great man we are now commemorating, to the long-time Pres- 
ident of this Society must excuse my occupying, with matters 
so largely personal, the attention of this meeting. And I 
think that the recital of these facts tends to throw a side-light 
on the political methods of Mr. Lincoln. If Mr. Lincoln knew 
as much of the personnel of local politics all over this broad 

1 This was the convention mentioned in Mr. Schouler's paper, 71, 72, 

2 R. C. Winthrop, Jr., Memoir of Robert C. Winthrop, 87, 88. 


domain as he knew of the personnel of local politics in Massa- 
chusetts, he had a genius for detail worthy of the first Napoleon. 
It lets us into the nature of the political training in which he was 
schooled and which stood him in such good stead after he had 
reached a height where he could, to a degree, forego personal 
politics and deal more largely with guiding principles and 
with men in the mass. It seems to show that, like an athlete, 
he had made himself strong by carefully taking the measure 
of his antagonists in all the stages of his progress, — first the 
lesser and then the greater, — and that he was keenly inter- 
ested to know every seam and joint in the armor of any public 
man with w T hom he might possibly be called upon to break a 

Dr. Green read a paper, as follows : 

Old Mile-stones leading from Boston. 

The earliest legislation in this Commonwealth on the subject 
of guide-posts bears date February 28, 1795. At that time an 
Act was passed by the General Court requiring the selectmen 
of the several towns and districts, under certain conditions, to 
erect guide-posts at the corners and angles of all roads in such 
towns and districts ; and imposing penalties for non-compliance 
with the law. Before that time, in a few towns, individuals 
had set up stones by the roadside, marking the distance and 
direction to some important town ; and these persons often 
added their own initials, as well as the year when the stones 
were placed. 

Numerous mile-stones are now to be found by roadsides on 
the way from Boston to Milton, Providence, and Cambridge. 
It is known that some of these stones were set up by Paul 
Dudley, Chief-Justice of the Province, as they bear his name or 
initials ; and probably others were, though they do not bear 
them. In the eighteenth century it was not uncommon for a 
well-to-do man in the community to place mile-stones by the 
roadside along the main thoroughfares mostly for the con- 
venience of wayfarers, but perhaps partly for his own glorifi- 
cation, as he often added his own initials to the inscriptions. 
In speaking of the Chief-Justice, our late associate Dr. Na- 
thaniel B. Shurtleff says : " He was buried in the tomb of his 
fathers ; but his epitaphs are only to be read on the numerous 


mile-stones that skirt the roads in Norfolk County. One of 
these, erected in 1744, may be seen near the Norfolk House, 
at the corner of Centre and Washington streets, on Eliot 
square, . . . This old Parting Stone has undoubtedly pointed 
the way to what was once considered the termination of civ- 
ilization" (Topographical History of Boston, p. 274). 

The first inscription is on the front of the stone and faces 
Eliot Square ; 




and the other inscriptions appear, respectively, on the south- 
erly and northerly sides. 





Leaving the Parting Stone at the corner of Roxbury and 
Centre streets, — as known to-day, — in Eliot Square, Rox- 
bury, the right-hand road led off to Cambridge, and was the 
nearest way to that town, as then there was no bridge over 
the Charles River from Boston. The left-hand road led to 
Providence by the way of Dedham ; and at that period each 
of these roads was flanked by stones marking the miles for a 
considerable distance. Most of these wayside monuments 
bear the initials " P D," which point to the man who caused 
them to be erected. Several of the stones are now missing, 
but some still remain. The distance was taken from the 
Town-house in Boston, now known as the Old State House. 
The following entries in Chief- Justice Se wall's Diary show 
this fact : 

Feria secunda, July, 14* h 1707. Mr. Antram and I, having Benj. 
Smith and David to wait on us, Measured with his Wheel from the 
Town-House Two Miles, and drove down Stakes at each Mile's end, 
in order to placing Stone-posts in convenient time. From the Town- 
House to the Oak and Walnut, is a Mile wanting 21^ Rods. Got home 
again about Eight aclock (ii. 192). 

Feria quinta, Aug* 7 t . h 1707. Peter Weare set up the Stone Post 
to shew a Mile from the Town-House ends : Silence Allen, Mr. Gib- 

bons's Son, Mr. Thrasher, Salter, W m Wheelers Simpson 

and a Carter assisted, made a Plumb-Line of his Whip. Being Lecture- 
day, I sent David with Mr. Weare to shew him where the second 
should be set; were only two little Boys besides (ii. 193). 

When Judge Sewall made his measurement of the distances 
from the Town-house, the neck of land connecting Roxbury 
with the peninsula was a very narrow strip along the water's 
edge, not wholly straight but conforming to the shore line. 
Since that period of time some streets have been straightened, 
and others laid out anew, but in this paper, for the sake of 
convenience, I shall use in each instance the modern name 
of the several streets mentioned. 

According to Bonner's Map of Boston, published in 1722, 
the first mile-stone from the Town-house was placed on the 
west side of Washington Street, near Lucas Street. The sec- 
ond stone was set, probably, near Willard Place, a little south 
of Camden Street. These two stones, mentioned by Sewall in 




his Diary, began the series which at a later period was con- 
tinued by Dudley and Belcher, hereinafter to be described. 
On the way to Cambridge three stones are still standing, 





P D 


which mark the fourth, fifth, and seventh miles, respectively, 
all bearing the " P D " initials. The fourth stone stands on 
the inner side of the walk, against the board fence surround- 
ing the grounds of the House of the Good Shepherd. The 
fifth stone stands in the grounds of the Harvard Church, 
Brookline ; and the sixth has disappeared. The seventh stone 


17 29 


stands in the yard of the Primary School-house, North Har- 
vard Street, Brighton. The fifth and seventh stones were 
placed originally on the opposite side of the street. 

The eighth stone in the series once stood in Harvard 
Square, Cambridge, ending the line of guide-posts in that 
direction, though it does not belong to the Dudley group. 
It stood originally near the town-house in the Square, at 
what was later the fork of the roads, — one going by the 
old road to Brighton, then a part of Cambridge, Brookline, 
and Roxbury, and the other toward Boston. It bore on the 
front face the following inscription: 





A I 

This distance was by the old road through Brookline and 
Roxbury ; and the two initial letters stand for Abraham 
Ireland, a surveyor of that period. More than a half cen- 
tury after the stone was originally set, the West Boston 
Bridge — now represented by the Cambridge Bridge — was 
opened in the autumn of 1793, and another inscription was 
placed on the rear face. 

Thus the stone was made to do double duty as a guide- 
post, though after that year the new bridge must have taken 
all the travel going to Boston. 

The Harvard Square mile-stone has had a curious history ; 
and as Mr. John Langdon Sibley, the most munificent bene- 
factor of the Historical Society, was interested in it, and had 
a hand in one of its new placings, I give here a detailed ac- 
count of it. In some digging by the town authorities, — or 
perhaps in the removal of the old market, which took place 
about 1830, — the stone, no longer needed, became buried in 
the rubbish, and thus was lost to sight. Many years after- 
ward, in building the hay scales, it came to view again when 
with other stones it was carried to the city stables to be 
broken up or used as dumping material. 


The inscription on the rear face is as follows : 


New Bridge 
2± Miles 


Moses King, in his " Harvard and its Surroundings" (1882), 
has the following paragraph : 

We are now in the vicinity of the " Old Mile Stone " that projects 
above the curb on the west side of the college yard near Dane Hall. 
The librarian emeritus [Mr. Sibley] found the stone after it had been for 
many years lost to public view, and planted it near the spot where it 
was originally placed by the surveyor, Abraham Ireland, whose initials 
form part of the inscription (p. 77). 

At an earlier time, perhaps as late as 1865 or 1870, the stone 
had been placed between the sidewalk and the curbstone, where 
it attracted considerable attention. It stood just north of the 
present entrance to the gate erected by the Class of 1875 ; and 
it always caused comment on the part of those who could not 
explain the fact that it was eight miles to Boston. The stone 
remained here, near the edge of the sidewalk, for perhaps 


twenty or twenty-five years, until 1892, when it was removed 
across the street to its present site in the Burying-ground, 
where it stands at the north-east corner. 

It was largely through the efforts of Mr. George Savil 
Saunders, at that time chairman of the Cemetery Commission, 
that this last change was made. The public owes much to him 
and his brother, the late William Augustus Saunders, for the 
intelligent interest which they both took in saving the stone. 

It seems unlikely that this old mile-stone will ever be dis- 
turbed again ; and now that its use has long been superseded, 
it accords with the fitness of things that it should stand near 
the grave of Abraham Ireland, — as shown by Harris's Cam- 
bridge Epitaphs (p. 104), — who first set it up as a public 

Leaving the Parting Stone again, and taking the left-hand 
road, which led off to Dedham and Providence, we find now 
the third, fourth, fifth (at Jamaica Plain), and sixth mile- 
stones, flanking Centre Street (the third stone not marked 
"PD "). The numeration of these miles began at the Town- 
house in Boston ; and the series of stones placed by Paul 
Dudley was a continuation of those already set up by Judge 

The stone marking the third mile in the Dudley series stands 






on the southerly side of Centre Street, diagonally opposite to 
and easterly of Gardner Street, on the inside of the sidewalk. 

Size of the stone : 30 inches wide, 23 inches high, and 7 
inches thick. 

The fourth stone stood near Forbes Street, nearly opposite 
to Creighton Street. On August 10, 1889, it was taken up by 
Mr. Elisha Charles Burford, trimmed down and set in the re- 
taining wall in front of his house, at 364 Centre Street. 


I - > 

Size : 21 inches wide, 15 inches high, and 11 inches thick. 

The fifth stone stands near the northerly corner of Eliot 
Street, on the inside of the sidewalk. 

Size : 32 inches wide, 45 inches high, and 10 inches thick. 

The sixth stone — the last one in the Dudley series on this 
line — is found opposite to Allandale Street, placed in the wall 
on the easterly side of Centre Street. 

Size : 27 inches wide, and 45 inches high. 

Another mile-stone on the way to Providence stands in 
Walpole, twenty miles from Boston, and was placed origi- 
nally by Ezekiel Robbins, the keeper of the Brass Ball tavern 
in that town. A cut of this stone is given in the lower half 
of page 97. The following account of it is taken from the 
" Dedham Historical Register " for April, 1900 : 








P Dudley Esq 

\m } 

An old milestone, . . . bearing the inscription stood on the southerly- 
side of West Street, a little beyond the tavern, the place chosen mark- 
ing a relay on the oldest stage road to Providence. The stone was dug 
out and allowed to lie forgotten for some time after the road was 
widened, until about five years ago, when Mr. Wilmarth, one of the 








old residents, rescued it from possible loss and placed it before the 
town hall, where it now stands (xi. 35). 

Another series of Paul-Dudley stones is found going toward 
Milton, in continuation of the Sewall stones, which ended near 
Camden Street in Boston. 

In early times there were two roads to Milton, — both begin- 
ning at different points in Washington Street, Roxbury, and 
passing through Dorchester, — which were known as the upper 
road and the lower road. For the sake of convenience I use 
the modern name of streets in describing these two thor- 
oughfares. The upper one in the main followed the way now 
represented by Warren Street and by Washington Street, 
Dorchester ; and the lower one, the way now represented by 
Eustis and Adams Streets and other connecting links ; and 
they both come together at the Lower Mills, on the Dorchester 
side of the Neponset River. In more recent times these two 
old roads in certain places have been widened and straightened 
so much that it is difficult to give exactly their course along 
modern streets. 





On the upper road to Milton, here mentioned, stands a 
" P D " stone at Grove Hall marking four miles from Boston, 
but the third mile-stone on this road is now missing, though it- 
was in place twenty years ago. 

A longer time ago — perhaps twenty-five years — there stood 
another stone on the westerly side of Washington Street, Dor- 
chester, near School Street, — which marked the fifth mile 
from Boston, — but this is now gone. It is not known to-day 
by whom it was placed. A sixth mile-stone in this series is 
found at the south corner of Mora Street, but it does not 
belong to the Paul-Dudley group. I draw this inference 
from the fact that the stone itself is of a different style in the 
cutting, though the meaning of the letters or characters there 
seen is obscure, — perhaps they stood for names of persons. 

Along the lower road was another series of stones marking 
distances from the Town-house in Boston, which were placed 
probably by Jonathan Belcher, Governor of the Province, who 
bought an estate at Milton in the year 1727. This group was 
a continuation of the Sewall series, as was the Dudley group, 
although some of the stones are now missing. 




M fo B 




The third stone stood probably near Clarence Street, but is 
now gone. The fourth stone stood opposite to Trull Street, 
but in recent times it has been removed from the original site 
and set up at the left of the entrance to the building of the 
Dorchester Historical Society, formerly known as the Blake 
house, situated in Pond Street. 


Miles From 

Town Hous 

17 J4 

The following inscription on a wooden tablet affixed to the 
house has been placed just above the stone : 

Old Dorchester Mile Stone 

erected during the 

administration of gov. belcher 

in 1734 on Hancock opposite Trvll St. 

Eemoved to this spot 

on Dorchester Day June 8, 1907. 

A volume (pp. 117) containing the proceedings on this oc- 
casion was published by the city of Boston, which has as a 
frontispiece a half-tone print of the stone, together with a 
group of persons who took part in the exercises. 


The fifth stone, perhaps placed between Leonard and 
Dickens Streets, has now disappeared; and also the sixth 
stone somewhere near Ashmont Street. 

The seventh stone stood on Adams Street, opposite to the 
south corner of Dorchester Park. It bears the following 
inscription : 


Miles to Bofton 


The Rev. Albert K. Teele, in his "History of Milton, 

Mass." (1887), while writing of this stone, says: 

There is a stone of the same [Belcher] line built into the wall on 
the south side of Adams street, Dorchester, a few rods from the end of 
Richmond street, and others may be found at points nearer Boston 
(P- H2). 

Some years later, perhaps in 1895, this stone was removed 
from its original site across the street and built into the wall 
of the Dorchester Park by the Park Commission. 

Size : the stone of which only the face shows, 22 inches 
wide and 30 inches high. 

In the wall on the north side of Adams Street, on the top 
of Milton Hill, near the entrance to the estate of the late 
Colonel Oliver W. Peabody, and a short distance south of 
the Hutchinson Field, is the eighth mile-stone of the Belcher 
group, last of the series now standing. 


M i 1 es to B.Townhoufe 
The Lower way. J73if. 

Size : 21 inches wide, 24 inches high, and 7 inches thick. 




Size : 16 inches wide, 30 inches high, and about 8 inches 





Size : 15 inches wide, 45 inches high, and sides join at back, 
12 inches. 

There was formerly a ninth mile -stone of the Belcher 
group, — which was the end of that series, — but this has 
now disappeared. Mr. Teele, in his History (p. 112), thus 
alludes to it: " Another Belcher stone originally stood a few 
feet north of the avenue to Mrs. Payson's house." Her estate 
forms now a part of the old Belcher property, the entrance to 
which is on the south side of Adams Street. A " platway 
drawn by James Blake, indicating the position and line of 
these stones is in the possession of Edmund J. Baker" (Teele, 
p. 112), but this manuscript cannot be found. 

Now let us go back to the sixth stone in the line of the 
Paul-Dudley group, mentioned on page 99, but which does 
not belong to that group. 

The seventh mile-stone (1722) stands in front of the house 
of Asaph Churchill at Milton, on the west side of the road, 
very near the stone wall. It is about 25 rods south of the 
eighth stone in the Belcher series, which stands on the other 



side of the road near the Peabody place. It will be seen that 
the distances marked by the stones of the two series vary, 
as shown on page 102, which is due to the fact that they 
approach this point by different routes. 

The eighth mile-stone (1723) is " near Mr. Breck's at East 
Milton" (Teele, p. 113), and is placed a little way east of the 
Episcopal Church. 

The ninth stone stands in Quincy, on the south side of 
Adams Street, opposite the Newcomb estate. 

1 7 JO 


Size : 19 inches wide, 39 inches high, and 15 inches thick. 

A cut of this stone forms the frontispiece to Mr. Charles 
Francis Adams's Centennial Address at Quincy, on July 4, 
1892. In the reproduction, apparently the letters on the stone 
had been recently painted in order to bring them out more 
clearly, and the figure " 3 " in the year 1730 was thus changed 
to a " 2." Mr. Adams says : " Not a day passes but some 
one looks with interest on the single ancient milestone of 
1720 [1730?] which still within Quincy limits marks the old 
Plymouth road. Rude, rough and ill-proportioned, it has cut 


upon it, besides the distance from Boston and the date, the 
initials J. N., — standing, I am told, for l Capt. Lieut.' Joseph 
Neal, as he is designated on his gravestone in the burying- 
ground opposite " (p. 8). 

The tenth stone stood originally in its proper place by the 
roadside, but forty years ago, more or less, it was broken into 
pieces, and only a fragment saved, which was built into the 
wall in front of the house of the late Lemuel Brackett. The 
piece is seen near the central part of the citj^, and bears only 
the following : 


The eleventh stone stood near the so-called Adams houses 
at the foot of Penn's Hill, but long ago it disappeared and no 
trace of it now remains. 




The twelfth stone stands on the rising ground beyond the 
southern slope of Penn's Hill, on the easterly side of the road, 
and comes within the town limits of Braintree. Through the 
efforts of the late Samuel A. Bates, town-clerk and accom- 
plished antiquary, this stone was saved from ignoble uses, 
where it " might stop a hole " or cover a drain. 

Mr. Adams, in the Appendix to his address, gives an inter- 
esting account of the mile-stones in Quincy, which fits so well 
into my paper that I reprint it, as follows : 

The ninth, the first of the series in Quincy, is referred to in the text, 
and is reproduced in the frontispiece to this Address. At least one 
attempt has been made to remove and " utilize " this stone for some 
such purpose as repairing a wall or covering a drain ; but the emphatic 
objection of members of the Newcomb family, whose house stood oppo- 
site to it, prevented, in this case, an act of stupid and ignorant desecra- 
tion. The tenth stone — an historical landmark in Old Braintree and 
Quincy — stood in its proper place by the roadside in the centre of the 
town, until one day, some twenty years ago, a stone-mason, building 
one of those fortifications known as ornamental stone walls in front of 
the house of the late Lemuel Brackett, seized upon it, tore it up and cut 
it to pieces, and inserted a portion of it in the wretched wall he was 
constructing. The portion thus preserved bears the initial letter, " B," 
and the distance figures (10) from Boston ; the rest of the stone is gone. 
The eleventh milestone stood close to the so-called Adams houses at the 
foot of Penn's Hill. Less fortunate than the tenth, this milestone wholly 
disappeared years ago, and no trace of it remains. It was probably 
taken possession of by the masons engaged in building the Samuel 
Curtis house in 1830 (Quincy Patriot, Oct. 26, 1889) ; and they, with 
no idea whatever of the act of desecration they were committing, not 
improbably used it in common with the stones of the old boundary wall, 
near the street end of which it is said to have stood, as foundation ma- 
terial. Indeed, the tradition is that all this stone was " utilized " for 
the underpinning of the barn built close behind the house, and still 
standing. If such is the case, it is within the bounds of possibility 
that the old eleventh milestone may yet be recovered, and restored to 
the place where it stood for more than a century. The twelfth mile- 
stone still stands on the rising ground beyond the southern slope of 
Penn's Hill, on the easterly side of the road. It bears, besides the 
indications of distance the date (1727), two sets of initials, I. M. and 
I. H. I have not ascertained of whom they are commemorative. Some 
years ago a highly utilitarian surveyor of highways seized on this 
stone as a handy cover for a drain or culvert he was engaged in con- 
structing. Fortunately this act of vandalism came to the knowledge of 




Samuel A. Bates, the veteran town clerk and antiquarian of Braintree, 
who bestirred himself in time, and was lucky enough to induce the 
selectmen to interfere and preserve the memorial (pp. 41, 42). 

OP Eff 

36 Mile: 

to Charles-R x , 
Bridge. , 7 s 7 . 



At the present time there are several mile-stones in Groton 
which were set up during the eighteenth century. Two of 
them certainly were placed by Dr. Oliver Prescott, younger 
brother of Colonel William Prescott, who commanded the 


American forces at the Battle of Bunker Hill; and two others 
were set up, probably either by him or at his suggestion, 
during the same period. They all are of slate ; and the 
largest stands by the roadside, at the southerly end of the 
village street, on the easterly side of the way, near the fork of 
the roads and close by the entrance to Mr. Lawrence Park's 
estate. The stone is between five and six feet in height, and 
is shaped somewhat like a capital letter P of colossal size, the 
upper part being considerably broader than the lower part, 
though the resemblance is not very close. 

The Charles River Bridge, leading from Boston to Charles- 
town, was opened on June 17, 1786, and soon became a promi- 
nent point to people living in Middlesex County. Some vandal 
has tried to chip off " Esqf " after the initials, but the letters 
can still be made out. 

The Reverend William Bentley, D.D., of Salem, in his 
Diary, recently published by the Essex Institute, gives an 
account of a trip which he made to Dartmouth College in 
the summer of 1793. On his way there he passed through 
Groton, and mentions this stone together with other entries 
in his journal which now are of interest. He writes : 

We dined at Bollan's [in Chelmsford] & paid I s /, our engagement 
being to have no charges for the horsemen & his horses, & at h past 3 
set out for Groton. ... As we entered Westford we saw the best 
corn, & the best tobacco, & a few small hop yards. Corn being 
planted in all the farms & a patch of tobacco near many of the barns, 
& some towns through which we passed are remarkable for hops. 
. . . From the rough roads we passed over several miles of pines & 
sandy land, & soon were relieved with the elegant seat of G.[eneral 
Oliver] Prescot, & the Buildings of his Son about ^ mile below him. 
The seat is opposite to the Boston road which at this place enters into 
the cross road to Worcester. . . . Gen. Prescot house has near it a 
stone shewing that it is 36 miles to Boston & 30 miles to Worcester. 
Called at the General's & found an elegant House in good order, but 
he was not within (ii. 41, 42). 

Another stone, about three feet high, stands in close prox- 
imity, just beyond the crotch, on the westerly side of the road. 
On this stone, also, an attempt has been made to chisel off the 
word " Esq." The inscription reads : 


O. P. Esq. 

Miles to 


A third stone, about three feet in height, stands near the 
Groton School, on the easterly side of Farmers' Row, at the 
south corner of Peabody Street and was set up probably by Dr. 
Prescott. The top has been broken off, but the inscription 
remains, as follows : 


Miles to 

In front of the old tavern in the village, now known as the 
Groton Inn, is a fourth stone, belonging to the same period of 
time, standing out of the ground about a foot and a half, and 
perhaps set up by Dr. Prescott, which bears these words : 



On the north side of the Great Road to Boston there is a 
slate slab, about four feet in height, which bears the following 
inscription : 




The stone stands about a mile from the village, near Cady 
Pond. It is not known when or by whom it was put up ; 
but probably the date goes back to the eighteenth century. 
The width near the top is about fourteen inches. 

According to the guide-board at the north-west corner of the 
Common, the distance from Groton to Boston is thirty-four 
miles ; and this is considered to be correct. In the years 1902 
and 1903 the selectmen caused to be set up, on the several 
roads leading to the outer limits of the town, granite posts 
marking the distance of each mile from the Town-house. 
Twenty-eight such stones have been thus placed by the road- 
side for the benefit of the wayfarer; and they stand about two 
and a half feet out of the ground. 

It may not be amiss here to note the fact that there was 
formerly some lettering on a boulder in an old wall that stood 
within a few feet of the mile-stone mentioned at the top of 
page 109. It bears the initials of Dr. Oliver Prescott as well as 
those of his grandfather who more than a century previously 
had cut his own initials on the same stone. It is possible that 
this inscription in the old wall first suggested to Dr. Prescott 
the idea of erecting mile-stones in close proximity to the 
boulder. The inscription on the boulder is as follows : 

I P 


Rebuilt by 

O P 

rebuilt by 
S. J. Park 


The initials I. P. are those of Jonas Prescott, — rudely cut, 
undoubtedly by himself, as he was a blacksmith, — and O. P. 
are those of his grandson Dr. Oliver Prescott. S. J. Park 
was Stuart James Park, the great-grandfather of Mr. Lawrence 
Park who now owns the adjacent land. 


Jonas Prescott was an active man in the affairs of the town, 
and the ancestor of a long line of distinguished families. He 
was the grandfather of Colonel William Prescott, commander 
of the American Forces at the Battle of Bunker Hill, who 
was himself the father of William Prescott the lawyer and 
jurist, and the grandfather of William Hickling Prescott the 

In the year 1876 this piece of stone wall containing the 
boulder and separating a part of the Prescott house-lot from 
the highway was removed. Three years after it was taken 
away, I endeavored to find the stone, then to all intents and 
purposes lost ; and it was a long while before I got any trace 
of it. The late Willard H. Giles, at that time the owner of the 
farm, knew nothing about it, and in fact had never seen it. I 
was told, however, that it might have been used in stoning up 
the cellar of a barn built in 1876, and here I directed my 
search. With Mr. Giles's permission I employed two men 
for two days to take out and replace various stones, until the 
missing one was found. Subsequently I gave the memorial to 
Mr. James Lawrence, a lineal descendant of Jonas Prescott, 
who has had it set in the wall on the north side of his front 
gate on Farmers' Row, where it is likely to remain for many 
years. * 

It may not be amiss to give here the derivation of the word 
" mile," which comes from the Latin mille. With the Romans 
a mile was a thousand steps, or paces {mille passuum) ; and thus 
the word has come down to us in our daily speech. 

Remarks were made during the meeting by Edward 
Stanwood and William B. Weeden, a Corresponding 

A new serial of the Proceedings, for October, November, and 
December, and the special report of the Milton Tercentenary 
were on the table. 



The stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 11th instant, 
at three o'clock, p. m. ; the President in the chair. 

After the reading of the record of the January meeting, and 
of the list of donors to the Library during the last month, the 
President announced the appointment by the Council of the 
following Committees : 

Committee to publish the Bradford papers, 

Messrs. C. F. Adams, Arthur Lord, and Morton Dexter. 

Committee to publish the Winthrop papers, 

Messrs. C. F. Adams, Albert Matthews, and Frederic 

Committee to publish the Mather papers, to act in an 
advisory and supervisory capacity with a similar Com- 
mittee of the American Antiquarian Society, 

Messrs. C. F. Adams, Nathaniel Paine, and Barrett 

Worthington Chauncey Ford, of Boston, was elected a Resi- 
dent Member of the Society, and Lyon Gardiner Tyler, of 
W T illiamsburg, Virginia, a Corresponding Member. 

Mr. Norcross, for the Committee to petition the General 
Court on the subject of renaming of streets and squares, 
reported upon the hearing granted by the Committee on 
Roads and Bridges, and the likelihood of favorable action on 
the bill presented. 

Mr. Storey read a letter from Mr. Rhodes, who was absent 
from the meeting, recognizing the artistic character of the new 
postage stamps, and calling attention to a communication made 
to the Society in January, 1906, by the late Charles H. Dalton, 
a Resident Member, of a letter to Senator Winthrop Murray 
Crane. In this letter Mr. Dalton suggested that the profile 
head of Houdon's statue of Washington should be used for all 
new stamps, distinguishing the denominations by different 
colors, and that the profile head of Franklin should be used 
for the one-cent stamp. Mr. Rhodes wrote that it was a 
source of gratification that within three years Postmaster- 


General Meyer had adopted Mr. Dalton's recommendations; 
and he suggested that the Society should vote its thanks to 
the Postmaster-General. The matter was referred to the 

Rev. E. H. Hall read the following paper : 

Civil War Pensions. 

I have at my side, as I write, a letter from a Washington at- 
torney informing me that there is money due me from the 
Treasury on account of my services in the Civil War, and offer- 
ing to prosecute the claim in my behalf. This is not the only 
missive of the kind that I have received. Not a year passes 
but these unknown friends at Washington, with touching so- 
licitude for my temporal welfare, promise to make all the inves- 
tigations necessary to secure for me the payment of this debt. 
The country hardly appreciates, I am afraid, this altruistic 
body of quasi-public servants at the national capital who 
devote their entire time to the needs of our Union soldiers. 

How is it that I am an object of such interest to these al- 
moners of the nation's bounty ? As a matter of record I 
acted as chaplain of the Forty -fourth Massachusetts Infantry 
during its term of service, receiving as pay and allowance a 
sum quite equal to the average salary of my fellow-clergymen 
who remained at home, retiring un wounded as it happened 
and with my general health quite unimpaired, to survive the 
war for more than forty years, with no serious sign of illness. 
Let me add that I was aware at the time, and have been in- 
creasingly conscious ever since, of having received from the 
country, not in pecuniary compensation alone, but in oppor- 
tunities of service, and in the gratitude and distinctions that a 
great nation only can bestow, tenfold more than I w T as able to 
contribute to her welfare. Yet, if these documents are to be 
believed, the debt is on the other side. How does this happen ? 
To answer the question it is necessary to review carefully the 
whole story of our Civil War pensions; and as this is one of 
the most important chapters of our national history, and, if I 
am not mistaken, a wholly unique chapter of modern warfare, 
I ask your attention to a statistical survey of this somewhat 
dry and not wholly agreeable theme. 

The first general law relating to Civil War pensions was 



enacted July 14, 1862. Following precedents already estab- 
lished for the soldiers of the Revolution and the War of 1812, 
this Act provides that " Any officer or private soldier enlisting 
since May 4, 1861, disabled by wound or disease contracted in 
the service, shall be placed upon the list of invalid pensioners 
... to continue there during the existence of such disability." 
The payments for total disability vary from eight dollars 
for the private to thirty dollars a month for all officers above 
Lieutenant-Colonel. In case of death the pension shall be 
paid to the widow during her widowhood, or to a child under 
sixteen, or failing these to a dependent mother, to terminate 
on her re-marriage. 1 This, with many restrictive clauses, was 
an eminently fitting and generous provision. All nations rec- 
ognize the responsibility of caring for those who have suffered 
in their service, or become incapacitated for earning their 
livelihood or supporting those dependent upon them. And 
this is of course the more necessary where, as in our case, the 
army is recruited from the citizens themselves snatched sud- 
denly from their daily toil and the industries of peace. All of 
us who were living during the war will recall how passion- 
ately every community devoted itself to its brothers and chil- 
dren in the field, and Congress simply echoed the universal 
sympathy in providing not for the present only but for the 
future as w T ell. 

Here, then, is the Civil War pension in its incipiency ; a 
payment for wounds or disabilities contracted in the service, 
to continue indefinitely if the disability continues, to cease 
when the disability ceases. To this were added bounties 
offered by the nation or by the States, sometimes of lavish 
proportions, to secure enlistment; and with these ample offers 
the self-respecting recruit of those early days was content. 
Like all true soldiers, he was prepared for privations ; he ex- 
pected perils and disasters as part of the day's work; he 
asked only, if he thought of the future at all, that his family 
be cared for if he fell. So far as I can remember the question 
of pensions rarely or never came up for discussion. It may be 
added that these allowances, generous beyond all precedent at 
the start, were enlarged by Congress year by year, until every 
casualty and every possible affection of hearing, sight, or limb 
was brought under a special statute, increasing largely session 

1 Congressional Globe, July 5, 14, 1862. 


after session. To give a single instance, the allowance for the 
loss of both hands or eyes, which in 1864 was $25, became, in 
1872, $31.25 ; in 1874, $50; in 1878, 172; in 1889, I100. 1 

This normal condition of things continued for some years 
after the war. The growing appropriations for pensions from 
fifteen millions in 1866 to over thirty millions in 1874, showed 
that the country had not forgotten its citizen soldiers, while 
the soldiers on their part received its benefactions with grati- 
tude and dignity. It would be manifestly unfair to expect 
this ideal attitude to hold its own forever. The ranks of an 
army are never entirely filled by the high-minded ; and as the 
years passed the voices of the discontented or self-seeking, to 
whom the war itself had been largely a season of adventure, 
naturally made themselves most loudly heard. In any case, in 
the Encampments of the Grand Army of the Republic, which 
began the first year after the war, at Indianapolis, on Novem- 
ber 20 and 21, 1866, the debates turned immediately, among 
other subjects, upon the pecuniary needs of the veterans. 
The easy generosity of Congress in listening to every appeal 
was in itself an incentive to further demands, and the pension- 
attorneys, whose services were sought for putting the claims 
in proper shape, were not slow in discovering the lucrative 
field which lay before them. Among the resolutions 2 passed 
by the first Encampment was this, " That Congress, in justice 
and not in charity, should pass a law equalizing, in just 
manner, the bounties of all Union soldiers and sailors." This 
demand met slight encouragement apparently, and for several 
years slumbered upon the records with occasional uneasy 
attempts at renewal. At the fifth Encampment, in 1871, the 
Commander in Chief of the order, General Logan, complains 
that the " Equalization-of- bounties Bill," three times passed 
by the House of Representatives, had been lost in the Sen- 
ate, intimating at the same time that influence should be 
exerted in its behalf upon the Senate. 3 Under such circum- 
stances it was plain that the earlier attitude of the soldier, 
leaving the country to judge of his deserts without himself 
urging his claims, could not long be maintained. The relation of 

1 Instructions and Forms for Army Pensions (1866), 11 ; Congressional Globe, 
July 5, 9, 11, 12, 14. 

2 Proceedings of the First to Tenth Meetings, National Encampment, G. A. R., 
9: 3 108. 


comrade to comrade was naturally of the utmost friendliness, 
and one instinctively shrunk from opposing another who 
was cherishing a fancied grievance. And once granting that 
a pension is a thing for the soldier to demand, or is in the 
nature of an open claim for all needed aid rather than an 
allowance specifically attached to disabilities received in the 
field, the equalization of bounties sounded very logical and 
reasonable. The earlier bounties, it seems, offered when the 
whole North was eager to enlist, were much smaller than those 
offered later when recruiting became difficult and State was 
competing with State to fill out its draft. Why should not 
the nation remove these inequalities? Their continuance, it 
was seriously urged, " would tend to prevent voluntary enlist- 
ments in case of future war." x 

As the final result of this agitation, a bill passed both 
Houses, March 2, 1875, called the " Equalization of Bounties 
Bill," securing to non-commissioned officer and private who 
had served at least one year and been honorably discharged, 
"eight and one-third" dollars monthly for the time of their 
service (representing the one hundred dollars a year that, as 
was claimed, all should have got). Both Republicans and 
Democrats, it was urged, had promised this in their platforms. 
It was represented as a just debt to the soldier, and as " reliev- 
ing the government of its last obligation." l Twenty millions 
were asked for at once, with a possible final cost of over one 
hundred millions. During the debate Senator Sherman re- 
minded the Senate that the country was already paying thirty 
millions a year, " a larger pension-list than ever was main- 
tained by any nation in the world in any time." 2 The bill 
was passed with little serious debate March 3, 1875, by the 
casting vote of the Vice-President. As it happened, however, 
it fell into the hands of a President who with a soldier's 
instinct saw the peril of the situation, and refused to give it 
his approval : first, because the Treasury could not at that 
time bear so great a drain ; second, to use General Grant's 
own words, because "I do not believe . . . the ex-soldiers 
. . . are applicants for it, but, rather, it would result more in 
a measure for the relief of claim agents and middlemen." 3 In 

1 Congressional Record, February 3, 1875, 1256-1265 ; February 17 ; 2 March 
2, 2039. 

3 President Grant wrote a veto message upon this measure, which was dated 


the following intricacies of pension legislation it is worth 
while to bear in mind that ten years after the war the old 
commander of the Union forces, with all possible opportunities 
to judge both the needs of the soldier and the ability of the 
government to meet such vast liabilities, maintained that the 
soldiers themselves asked no larger appropriations, and that 
any further increase was in the interest rather of the attorneys 
than of the veterans. 

Notwithstanding this mandate from one so competent to 
speak, the movement thus begun was bound to advance by 
its own momentum. As usual, those whose interest it was to 
encourage large appropriations were more active than the 
guardians either of the Treasury or of the nation's best tradi- 
tions, while both parties apparently had awakened to the value 
of the soldiers' vote ; and various pretexts for new legislation 
soon made themselves heard. On April 2, 1878, a bill was 
introduced into the House of Representatives under the title 
of U A Bill for Arrears of Pensions," etc. Under the earlier 
statutes the payment of a pension, if claimed within a year, 
was dated back to the time of death or discharge. This term 
of grace was afterwards extended to three years, and later 
still to five years. This was supposed to be ample time for 
discovering any disability plainly originating in the service. 
The main purpose of the proposed bill was to repeal this five 
years' restriction, and make it possible for all, however long 
after the war their claim might be filed, to receive arrears 
from the beginning. The language of the act is as follows : 
" All pensions which have been granted ... or may hereafter 
be granted, ... in consequence of wounds, injuries, or disease 
received or contracted in said service during said war of the 
rebellion shall commence from the date of death or discharge 
from said service." 1 By a later enactment the time for filing 
such claims was limited to July 1, 1880. 2 One speech in the 
Senate was made in opposition to this bill ; Senator Saulsbury, 
of Delaware, pointing out that the government had already 
been unprecedentedly generous, and that the pending bill 
would be in the form of a gratuity after all just claims had 

March 5, 1875, and which could not therefore have reached Congress before its 
final adjournment. This was known as a " pocket veto," and is found in Richard- 
son's Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vii. 320, 321. 

i Congressional Record, April 2, 1878, 2217; June 19, 1878, 4874; January 
16, 25, 1879. U. S. Pension Laws, 1902, 32; 2 34. 


been met. It passed the Senate, by forty-four votes to four, 
and was approved by the President, under the new adminis- 
tration, January 25, 1879. Within a year eight thousand pen- 
sioners were added to the rolls, with formidable accessions for 
several successive years, and the appropriations rose from 
thirty-three millions in 1879 to fifty-six millions in 1880. Even 
the Grand Army Encampment of July, 1883, was moved to 
declare, through one of its speakers, that " the nation's liberal- 
ity to its disabled defenders has no parallel." * The whole 
amount added to the pension disbursements in consequence 
of the Arrears of Pensions bill, was estimated by the Grand 
Army itself as forty-live millions. 2 

This vast addition to the nation's expenditures made little 
difference in the schemes devised for further gratuities. A 
committee from the Grand Army visiting Washington in 1884 
to ask pensions for all who had reached the age of sixty-five 
state that they found " nearly one hundred distinct bills . . . 
killing each other." 3 While it appears that the Grand Army 
at this time opposed many propositions for indiscriminate pen- 
sioning, it is clear that the discontented faction was still to be 
reckoned with ; their sole question being under what form the 
next demand should be made. This was soon determined 
upon. Previous legislation, however generous its provisions, 
had been carefully limited to sucli disabilities as had been con- 
tracted during the war. This limitation, it was now felt, must 
be removed. January 10, 1887, a bill was introduced, known 
popularly as the "Dependence Bill," providing for all cases of 
"present disability," whether originating in the war or not. 
The bill passed the House of Representatives by a vote of one 
hundred and eighty to seventy-six, and the Senate almost 
unanimously, January 31, 1887. When it reached President 
Cleveland, however, it was subjected for the first time to careful 
scrutiny, and pronounced an avowed departure from principles 
hitherto recognized in pension legislation and as offering a pre- 
mium on mendacity. At this same time, in vetoing a private 
bill, he said : " I have considered the pension-list of the Republic 
a roll of honor bearing names inscribed by national gratitude, 
and not by improvident and indiscriminate almsgiving"; 
and again, " I cannot believe that the vast army of Union 

1 Journal of the Seventeenth National Encampment, G. A. R., 56 ; 2 55. 
3 Journal of the Eighteenth National Encampment, G. A. R., 105. 


soldiers who . . . justly regard the pension roll as a roll of 
honor, desire to be confounded with those . . . willing to be 
the objects of charity." The bill was vetoed February 11, 
1887. 1 A prolonged debate over the veto followed in both 
Houses. The supporters of the bill declared that the opposi- 
tion to it came from Wall Street, and that the great dailies, 
which for the most part denounced the bill, were " the mouth- 
pieces of wealth." They pronounced the bill " a simple act of 
justice . . . redeeming the nation's solemn pledges "; and re- 
ferred to petitions from the Grand Army of the Republic 
which were " pouring in by hundreds." 2 Others sustained the 
veto vigorously on the ground that the measure was demanded 
not by the soldiers but only by the pension attorneys, who 
were provided for at the rate of five, ten, or twenty -five dollars 
per claim. It was openly asserted that these attorneys were 
forcing the bill upon Congress and the Grand Army, and em- 
ploying their agents to lobby the act through both Houses. 
The opposition was so determined that the final vote upon 
passing the bill over the veto was 175 yeas to 125 nays, thus 
sustaining the veto, February 24, 1887. 3 The cognomen under 
which the act was popularly known was the " Pauper Pension 

It will be seen that thus far, notwithstanding these wide 
departures from the original intent of pension legislation, 
Congress had clung on the whole to the assumption that the 
disability for which relief was asked had been directly or 
indirectly incurred in the service ; but the matter was rapidly 
getting beyond the stage of cool discussion, to the point where 
it was thought unfair to refuse any claim that the veteran in 
his growing infirmities might make. In 1890 separate bills 
were introduced into the Senate and the House, differing only 
in the specific character of the benefactions which were to 
meet these demands once for all. Reduced to simplest terms, 
the Senate bill, asking no questions as to the origin of the 
disability, offered a pension to any soldier having served 
ninety days who found himself at any time or from any 
cause incapacitated for daily labor while dependent upon it 
for his support. The House bill, entitled "An Act providing 
a service pension," etc., provides the payment of eight dollars 

i Congressional Record, February 11, 1887, 1638; July 5, 1888 ; 2 February 
24, 1887, 2202 et seq. ; 3 February 11, 24, 1887, 2226. 


a month to any soldier, whether dependent or not, who has 
reached the age of sixt} r . If not yet sixtj^, he must also prove 
that he is at present suffering from mental or physical dis- 
ability. 1 After long conference between the two Houses a 
compromise was reached, retaining the single condition of 
present incapacity to earn a support, but omitting the clause 
demanding a service pension for all. The paj-ments were 
from six to twelve dollars for ninety days' service. In this 
form, under the name of the Morrill or Disability Pension Bill, 
it was passed in the House by one hundred and forty-five votes 
to fifty-six, in the Senate with slight opposition, and was 
signed by the President, June 27, 1890, a new administration 
having again intervened. The roll of pensioners rose within 
the year from five hundred and thirty-seven thousand to six 
hundred and seventy-six thousand ; the annual appropriation 
from one hundred and six millions in 1890 to one hundred 
and fifty-six millions in 1893. 

I make no comment upon this novel history, preferring to 
leave the facts and figures to speak for themselves with what- 
ever eloquence they may. The most surprising part of the 
story, to my mind, is the absence through it all of any serious 
or statesmanlike discussion. Questions of the highest interest 
are involved here. The very constitutionality of our pension 
system, though often challenged, gets no consideration, and is 
still an open question. 2 The exact meaning of " pension " 
remains through all these debates undefined. Is it the recog- 
nition on the part of the government of meritorious service ? 
Is the pension list, as President Cleveland assumed, a roll of 
honor ? Is a pension in the nature of a recompense for loss 
of health or of property in the service of the country ? Or is 
it a pure benefaction, to be received as charity? If so, what 
must be the moral effect of making a selected class of citizens 
the recipients of the nation's unstinted bounty ? These ques- 
tions arise now in every mind ; to the congressional mind they 
seem hardly to have suggested themselves. After slight 
struggles from the party in opposition when these measures 
were first proposed, the debates became more and more per- 
functory, until they reduced themselves virtually to the simple 
question, What do the soldiers want, and what does the Grand 

1 Congressional Record, June 11, 1890. 

2 D. C. Eaton, Pensions, New Haven, 1893, 46-57. 


Army of the Republic demand ? x Opponents of any proposal 
were set down as foes to the country, or reminded of the fate 
of certain unhappy representatives no longer present in Con- 
gress, who had presumed to vote in opposition to previous 
pension legislation. So far as appears, the nation entered 
light-heartedly and without a foreboding upon a policy which 
reverses the experiences of the entire past and substitutes 
unrestricted extravagance for the grateful recognition with 
which the world had hitherto met merit with its due reward. 
The answer to opposition, if vouchsafed at all, was invariably, 
" The country is rich and can afford it ; why should we not do 
what we will with our own ? " It was forgotten that ethical 
principles are involved in these open-handed ways ; and 
national ethics, like personal ethics, are not determined off- 
hand by the whims of an individual or a nation more pros- 
perous than its neighbors. A nation can no more create its 
own code of ethics than it can determine its own climate or 
its winds and currents. The laws of ethics are the growth of 
centuries, to which every nation and people have uncon- 
sciously contributed, uttering themselves in an unwritten 
code which all members of this great family, if they so regard 
themselves, are bound to respect. The ethics of pensions, 
like all the rest, depend in the last analysis upon the con- 
sensus of nations, determining, with an authority which even 
a national Congress has to recognize, which is better, — a grate- 
ful recognition of service rendered, leaving to the soldier his 
manhood and his self-respect, or a wholesale prodigality offer- 
ing its bounty to the sound and the infirm alike, the rich and 
the poor, the veteran hero scarred by twenty battles and the 
unblushing malingerer to whom fighting is unknown. 

Generosity is one thing, prodigality is quite another. Prod- 
igality dulls the edge of generosity, and turns gratitude into 
cynicism. We all have to learn this hard lesson. Over- 
generosity, whether to the boy of ten or to the man of sixty, 
draws the attention less to the gift than to the apparently 
exhaustless treasure-house from which it was drawn, till his 
little allowance becomes to him a beggarly pittance unworthy of 
recognition. The annals of the Civil War are painful read- 
ing just here to any one who recalls the uncalculating patriot- 
ism with which the early volunteers cast themselves into the 

i Congressional Record, February 24, 1887, 2223; January 9-11, 1907. 



service. During the first years after the war the soldier faced 
the future with quiet dignity, trusting simply to the country's 
justice. There was no rush for pensions. At first the claims 
came in more slowly than was expected, and the appropriations 
were not wholly called for. In 1872 only six per cent had filed 
their claims. 1 But as early as 1875 the habit of million-dollar 
appropriations began to produce its effects. When the bill for 
Equalization of Bounties was under consideration, a Represen- 
tative remarked, " What matters it whether the national debt 
be $150,000,000 or $1,500,000,000, . . . they are honest 
debts?" 2 The lavish benefactions of Congress were regarded 
no longer as a favor or reward, but as a right. They began to 
speak of pensions as debts. The soldier, instead of receiving 
graciously what was given, dictated his own terms. " Let us 
. . . give Congress no peace," said the Commander of the Grand 
Encampment in 1887, ' ; until we get what we think belongs to 
us" 3 ; again in 1889, "We . . . who gave the best years of 
our lives to our country, will present our claims to Congress, 
and in doing so, will not approach those in authority ' with 
bated breath and whispering humbleness,' but as free men we 
will demand " our rights. 4 While the Disability Bill was 
before Congress, the Congressional Committee was told by a 
representative of the Grand Army, " If you do not pass this 
bill soon, you will have to pass a universal pension bill." 

We have come to 1890. Glancing back for a moment, we 
find that in 1872 the Commissioner of Pensions, pointing with 
professional pride to the great accessions to the roll during 
the preceding year, says, " The apex of the mountain has at 
last been reached." The appropriations had mounted to thirty 
millions. In 1890 the appropriations are one hundred and 
six millions, with the number of pensioners mounting year by 
year. Has not the apex now at last been reached? With the 
Act of 1890 in force, offering a pension to any one who could 
show himself incapacitated, by any cause, to work for his sup- 
port, was any room left for further advance ? Whoever asks 
this question leaves out of account a familiar condition of the 
human brain which our medical friends dignify with the name 

1 Report Commissioner of Pensions, 1872, 6. 

2 Congressional Record, February 13, 1875, 1259. 

3 Journal of the Twenty-first National Encampment, G. A. R., 1887, 224. 

4 Journal of the Twenty-third National Encampment, G. A. R., 1889, 47, 48. 


of an obsession. An obsession, as I understand it, is an idea 
which has fixed itself upon the mind, through much brooding, 
and governs imperiously all its thoughts. The obsession which 
controlled the veteran mind during the last decade of the nine- 
teenth century was that at a certain age, vaguely apprehended 
as about sixty, the old soldier, solely by virtue of his age, is 
entitled thenceforth to government support. In such cases 
arguments are useless ; after whatever protests the mind grav- 
itates back to its fixed idea. In this case the progress of the 
obsession can be plainly traced. In the Encampment of 1884, 
at Minneapolis, the Commander declared in his address that 
those disabled at sixty-five, whether from service or not, 
" should be pensioned." Over a thousand Posts, it was an- 
nounced, had favored a service pension (the name beginning 
to be applied to this imaginary benefaction) of eight dollars a 
month. 1 The next year, at Portland, June 24, 1885, the ser- 
vice pension was again introduced, but, after a long discussion, 
voted down. So again in 1887, at St. Louis, and in 1888, at 

Towards the end of the nineteenth century it became clear 
to all observers that further action in this direction was con- 
stantly pending, the only question being exactly when it 
should come. The political world accepted this idea with 
silent expectancy, as though it were an appointment of fate. 
Just as anxieties were at their highest, a remarkable interven- 
tion occurred. The President of the United States, refusing 
to await longer the slow action of Congress, issued an Order, 
March 15, 1904, covering the whole case by a stroke of the 
pen. He created no new law, nor changed any old one ; he 
simply with unparalleled ingenuity reinterpreted an already 
existing law, making it do the whole work. Order No. 78 
reads essentially as follows, u Whereas the act of 1890 provides 
that a claimant shall be entitled to a pension . . . proportioned 
to the degree of inability to earn a support, . . . and whereas 
old age is an infirmity the nature and extent of which the Pen- 
sion Bureau has established with reasonable certainty, . . . now 
therefore, in the adjudication of claims under said act ... it 
shall be taken as an evidential fact . . . that when the claimant 
has passed the age of 62 he is disabled one-half in ability to 
perform manual labor and is entitled to be rated at six dollars 
1 Journal of the Eighteenth National Encampment, G. A. R., 1884, 36. 


a month ; after 65, at eight dollars a month ; after 68, at ten . . . 
and after 70, at twelve dollars a month." 2 

After this decisive act the final action of Congress seems in 
the nature of an anti-climax ; nevertheless, on January 11, 
1907, a bill, drawn up in concert with the Grand Army of 
the Republic, was passed, raising the rates determined by 
the President, and enacting that any one having served for 
ninety days, if sixty-two years of age, may be placed on the 
rolls to receive twelve dollars at sixty-two, fifteen at seventy, 
and twenty at seventy-five. 2 It is too early to tell the full 
effect of this legislation; but the appropriations rose within 
the year 1908 from one hundred and thirty-eight million to 
one hundred and fifty-three million. 

The history of this long period would be incomplete without 
mentioning that, apart from this liberal pension legislation, the 
nation has established ten National Homes for aged or dis- 
abled soldiers, with free transportation thither, and a continu- 
ance of whatever pensions they were receiving. There are 
also thirty-two State Homes of a similar kind, supported in 
part by the national government, to many of which the 
soldiers' wives and children are also admitted. 3 It must be 
remembered that in addition to the five larger pension bills 
here enumerated, both Houses of Congress have been em- 
ployed, down to the present day, in considering countless 
private bills in behalf of those, for the most part, who could 
not fairly meet the requirements of the general laws. The 
number of these bills passes all credence. As one turns the 
pages of the Congressional Record for the last forty years, 
this seems to be the one subject, among a thousand matters of 
highest national concern, which is always present, inserting 
itself into the crevices of every debate. On the day when 
the last-mentioned act was passed, the private pension bills 
acted upon by the House of Representatives covered fifty-four 
double-columned pages of the Congressional Record. 4 In a 
message of December, 1903, President Roosevelt says, " Dur- 
ing the fiscal year ending July 1, 1903, the Bureau settled 
251,982 claims, an average of 825 claims for each working 

1 Report of the Commissioner of Pensions, 1904, 22; 1900, 26. 

2 Congressional Record, January 9, 11, 1907, 925-933. 

3 Twenty-sixth Report of the Soldiers' Home, Chelsea, 1908, 64. 

4 Congressional Record, January 11, xli. 954-1008. 


day of the year" ; about one thousand a day. 1 That such 
applications, to be acted upon at times at the rate of several a 
minute, could not be closely scrutinized, is quite apparent. 
Indeed anything like careful examination was wont to be 
resented as an unjust reflection upon the country's defenders. 
One of the most curious features of the whole situation is the 
sensitiveness of Congress at the suggestion of fraud, and re- 
luctance to take the most obvious measures to prevent it. 
General Grant, acting with conscientious fidelity, returned 
five private bills without his signature. 2 After him few 
presidents undertook so formidable and ungracious a task. 
President Cleveland alone took the matter seriously in hand 
and created undisguised dismay by vetoing one hundred and 
one such applications in a single year. The indignation which 
he aroused has hardly yet subsided, but one or two instances 
of his vetoes will prove, I think, that his scruples were not 
misplaced. On May 21, 1886, Mrs. A. C. Owen applied for 
a pension, alleging that her husband in 1862 received two 
shell wounds which indirectly caused his death. It appears, 
however, that he died in 1876, fourteen years later, from neu- 
ralgia of the heart, never having applied for a pension. At 
the time of the alleged wound the medical records show that 
he was absent on leave, suffering from chronic bronchitis and 
acute dysentery. 3 Three applications follow in cases where 
the claims had already been examined and rejected by the 
Pension Bureau, with ample reasons given. On May 25 
the claim of John D. Ham is vetoed because " His name is not 
borne upon any of the rolls of the regiment he alleges he was 
on his way to join. 4 On May 28 Rebecca Eldridge asks a 
pension, her husband having received a slight wound in the 
leg in 1865. President Cleveland says, " On the 28th of 
January, 1881, ... he fell backward from a ladder and fractured 
his skull, from which he died the same day. Without a par- 
ticle of proof and with no fact established which connects the 
fatal accident in the remotest degree with the wound referred 
to, it is proposed to grant a pension to the widow of $12 
a month. It is not a pleasant thing to interfere in such 

1 Addresses and Presidential Messages of Roosevelt, New York, 1904, 409. 

2 Veto Messages of the Presidents, B. P. Poore, 1886, 380-397. 

3 Richardson's Messages and Papers of the Presidents, viii. 423, 424; 
* 421, 422. 


a case ; but we are dealing with pensions, and not with 
gratuities." 1 In another case the claimant, William Bishop, 
was shown to have been enrolled March 25, 1865, admitted 
to the hospital in April with measles and mustered out 
May 11. Fifteen years afterwards he claimed that the mea- 
sles had " settled in his eyes, also affecting his spinal column." 2 
It is not agreeable to lift the veil from these transactions, but 
the President, who made this part of his official task, evidently 
believed it his duty, first to protect the national treasury from 
its despoilers, and second to protect the ill-advised veteran 
from his own baser instincts. 

A still more striking illustration of the liabilities to fraud 
involved in our loose and cumbrous pension system^ and the 
indifference of the authorities in the matter, is revealed in the 
Commissioner's Report of 1901. From 1872, as he shows, 
one Commissioner after another had impressed upon Congress 
the lack of skilled medical service in the examination of 
claims. The certificates of examining surgeons, he declares, 
constitute the basis of the adjudication of claims; and the 
shiftless methods employed in the appointment of surgeons 
resulted not only in a vast waste of money, but in the constant 
allowance of fraudulent applications. Several practical sug- 
gestions were made for securing the needed supervision, re- 
peated year after year for nearly thirty years, none of which 
had been heeded. It was pointed out that " the position of 
examining-surgeon in many localities is not sufficiently re- 
munerative to induce surgeons of high professional character 
to accept the appointment." Moreover, " a surgeon depend- 
ent upon a community for his practice, and . . . subjected 
to . . . powerful rivalry, is dependent upon the opinion of 
his neighbors," and will "be influenced by the wounded 
and diseased survivors of the war. . . . Twenty-five years 
have passed; the same conditions have continued . . . and 
the best of commissioners have wearied in seeking relief. . . . 
Every fault pointed out then has been preserved and propa- 
gated." The proposition of a special court of competent 
surgeons or of " travelling medical examining boards" has 
remained unheeded, so far as appears, to the present day. 3 

This is not primarily a question of pecuniary outlay ; yet 

1 Richardson's Messages and Papers of the Presidents, viii. 424, 425; 2 443. 
3 Report of the Commissioner of Pensions, 1901, 62-70. 


to any one who believes that economy has some place in 
national affairs, or who remembers how many measures of 
pressing importance are yearly turned aside through the 
poverty of the national treasury, It is a sobering thought that 
our last annual appropriation for a war which ended forty- 
three years ago was $153,093,086 ; an amount larger by four- 
teen millions than the entire cost of the English army, larger 
by ten millions than that of the French army, and only four- 
teen millions less than that of the German army. England, 
France, and Germany together, after all their wars, pay for 
military and naval pensions $63,379,374 less than the United 
States alone. 1 

The Pension Bureau gives as the entire disbursements for 
Civil War pensions, from 1866 to 1908, including the com- 
paratively slight appropriations for the Spanish War and the 
War of 1812, $3,767,515,842. 2 

It is idle to speculate upon the future, with such facts as 
these before us. After more than forty years of peace, the 
country is asking itself wonderingly when this vast expendi- 
ture will end. It is one of the humors of the pension list that 
while the veterans are disappearing through natural causes by 
more than fifty thousand annually, the numbers on the roll 
stubbornly hold their own. The pension reports give many 
explanations of this phenomenon, but the most obvious cause 
is suggested by the fact that in 1901, when the last veteran of 
1812 was lingering on the stage, there were still upon the 
rolls fifteen hundred and twenty-seven widows of that war. 3 
So far as the annual outlay is concerned, it is to be remem- 
bered that the appropriations for 1908 exceeded those of 1907 
by 814,937,674. With these figures in view, and with 38,692 
new pensioners for the last year, and 7,099 claims now pend- 
ing, the end of the roll, or any serious diminution of it, seems 
to retreat beyond the most distant horizon. Indeed, as I 
write these lines I find the following item in the daily papers : 
" Widows of deceased soldiers ... in instances where the mar- 
riages occurred since June 27, 1890, may be pensioned under 
the provisions of a bill favorably reported to the Senate today 

1 Statesman's Year Book, 1907; Sessional Papers, 1906, Ixvi, 8-9; Annuaire 
Statistique, 1906, 106, 118; Statistiches Jahrbuch, 1908, 274, 275. 

2 Report of the Commissioner of Pensions, 1908, 10. 

3 Report of the Commissioner of Pensions, 1901, 15. 


from the committee on pensions. Under an existing law, 
widows of soldiers of the Civil War are not pensionable unless 
their marriages took place prior to the date mentioned. It is 
estimated by the pension bureau that there are about 15,000 
or 20,000 women who would be benefited by the passage of 
this law." 1 The bill passed the Senate, February 1, 1909. 2 

Comparisons between country and country, I am aware, are 
never conclusive. But even though the government has no 
responsibility towards older lands as to its expenditures or 
the precedents it is establishing, has it none towards its own 
posterity? Unfortunately this is no longer an academic prob- 
lem ; the answer is already before us in unequivocal form. 
In 1872, seven years after the close of the Civil War, out of 
more than two million enlistments, one hundred and seventy- 
six thousand, or a little over six per cent, had applied for 
pensions. In 1901, three years after the Spanish War, a six 
months' campaign, in which the casualties were few and the 
privations inconsiderable, out of three hundred thousand en- 
listments, forty-five thousand, or fifteen per cent, had applied 
for pensions. The Pension Commissioner's Report becomes 
painful reading just here, and I should hesitate to quote from 
it but that the very moral of our theme lies in these details. 
On the return of the army from the Philippine Islands most of 
the troops were mustered out in San Francisco. In advance 
of their arrival the pension attorneys of Washington hurried 
to the spot to open offices, or have their agents ready to meet 
the returning soldiers. According to the language of the 
soldiers themselves, the rival agents beset them at once, im- 
portuning them to file their claims for pensions without delay. 
To the bewildered youths, eager only to reach their homes, 
" seventy -five attorneys seemed to be pursuing " each victim, 
assuring him that it was his duty to file his application, 
whether an invalid or not. The hospitals had to be guarded 
against these tormentors masquerading as friends of the inva- 
lids. Within forty-eight hours their assiduous labors began to 
tell. Stephen A. Cuddy, Chief of the Law Division of the Pen- 

1 Boston Herald, January 27, 1909. 

2 A bill has lately been introduced in the House of Representatives which 
" makes provision for placing on the ' roll of Honor ' all living honorably 
discharged officers who served at least six months during the Civil War, with 
maximum pay for service of two years . . . pay to equal one-half pay of highest 
mustered grade." 


sion Bureau, gives this case, among several others, in detail. 
" The regulations of the War Department," he says, " require 
a preliminary examination of a soldier to determine his physi- 
cal condition prior to being mustered out of service." In the 
present instance " the declaration was executed by the soldier 
at San Francisco, Cal., on his way home from the Philippines." 
In this the soldier declared that he was suffering from no 
wound, injury or disease, and had no "disability or impair- 
ment of health, whether incurred in the military service or 
otherwise." This certificate is signed by the company com- 
mander, the first lieutenant, major, and surgeon of the regi- 
ment, and dated March 5, 1901. " The soldier was mustered 
out of the service on March 16. On the same day he executed 
a declaration for pension, . . . and in it the identical soldier re- 
ferred to above swears that he is physically disabled from 
obtaining his subsistence by manual labor, by reason of the 
following injuries, received in the service of the United 
States," namely, disease of the stomach, bowel troubles, 
kidney and bladder troubles, malarial poisoning, lumbago, 
pain in back, irritable heart. Another case is reported by the 
Commissioner of a volunteer regiment which was recognized 
as one of the u crack " regiments in service in the war with 
Spain. Its membership was notably a fine body of men, and 
its officers were men of experience and ability. This regiment 
had a membership of nine hundred officers and men, and 
reported "no battle casualties." Up to June 3, 1901, four 
hundred and seventy-seven applications for pension were 
filed, for over twenty different diseases. 1 The agents who 
filled out these applications evidently labored under the 
impression that many fatal diseases were more imposing than 

A Pension Commissioner seldom pauses among his figures 
to moralize ; but Commissioner Henry Clay Evans, on narrat- 
ing the above incidents, condoles frankly with these youths, 
all in their twenties presumably, for deliberately handicapping 
themselves in the race of life, as il disabled veterans " on a 
government pension of twelve dollars a month. He asks, and 
we may well ask, how is this to be explained ? Here are 
American citizens, of the same breed in large part as the re- 
cruits of 1861, flocking into mercenary paths which their 

1 Report of the Commissioner of Pensions, 1901, 47, 107, 108. 


fathers refused to tread. Until some other reason is sug- 
gested we must ask ourselves if it may not be because the one 
generation had been reared in self-respecting traditions, while 
the other had been taught by conspicuous examples that the 
soldier, whether disabled or not, may throw himself without 
reproach upon the government for support, while the govern- 
ment in its paternal solicitude makes the application very 
easy for him. 

Lest we should be led to throw the blame here where it 
does not fairly belong, we should bear in mind the perplexing 
circumstances amid which these inexperienced young soldiers 
suddenly found themselves. We are all of us governed to a 
great extent by the world's established customs. For the 
college undergraduate, as we know, three years are enough to 
create an immemorial tradition with all the sanctity of holy 
writ. Woe to him if he presumes to offend the least of his 
college dogmas. So when the Philippine warrior, landing on 
an unknown shore and entering on the last act of the military 
drama, is assured that the veterans of the earlier wars, the 
heroes of his imagination, have almost without exception ac- 
cepted pensions ; what is he in his callow youth to set himself 
against this precedent of the ages ? It is hardly strange that 
he yielded. It was not he that yielded so much as the insidi- 
ous system that ensnared him. Some of them testified after- 
wards that they had been over-persuaded. 1 

Let us return for a moment to the service pensions of 1907. 
The idea seems to prevail that this action of Congress, offering 
pensions to all veterans who have reached a certain age, is in 
accordance with well-established precedents. There is no pre- 
cedent for it, either in this country, or so far as I know in any 
other. In France, Germany, and England a pension " for ser- 
vice " is granted ; but the term means service for at least ten, 
oftener twenty or thirty years, the pension being given strictly 
for desert. To seek any analogy between this and our use of 
the word, where service means simply having been in the 
ranks, if for only ninety days, is time absurdly wasted. But* 
we are reminded that the soldier of the Revolution received 
such a pension, and that this is precedent enough for us. Let 
us look then at the Revolutionary pension. By an act of June 

1 Report of the Commissioner of Pensions, 1901, 48. 


7, 1832, forty-nine years after the end of the war, pensions 
were awarded to all survivors who had served at least six 
months. The debate upon this bill, which was very pro- 
tracted, opened up a singular history of the payment of the 
revolutionary soldier. As is too well known to every student, 
the country found itself in great straits during the Revolution 
to pay its army at all. Few officers or privates received even 
the wages promised them. On October 21, 1780, after many 
broken promises, the Continent?l Congress, at Washington's 
suggestion, voted to give officers who should serve through- 
out the war, in lieu of immediate settlement, half-pay for life 
from the establishment of peace. 

As even this was not forthcoming, the officers were per- 
suaded in 1783 to receive instead of half-pay a commutation 
of five years' pay, for which certificates were given ; which 
certificates in turn depreciated eight to one and soon passed 
out of the officers' hands, and the pledges were virtually un- 
redeemed. The privates had fared quite as badly by the de- 
preciation of the currency. In 1828 another attempt was 
made to settle the long-postponed claim on the simple condi- 
tion of indigence on the claimants' part. Finally, as we have 
seen, in 1832, all conditions except of age were removed, and 
pensions were offered to all who had served at least six 
months. 1 But the whole case was treated as a belated pay- 
ment of the nation's dues to its defenders. Daniel Webster 
declared that " the claims of officers under the resolution of 
1780 and 1783 is a claim not yet satisfied, and which would 
recommend itself ... to the conscience of any Chancellor of 
the civilized world." 2 Senator John Davis of Massachusetts 
said, " This is no gratuity ; the soldiers of the Revolution were 
not paid. No one says they were. To call these claims a 
pension is a misnomer." 3 Rufus Choate asserted that u these 
claims were rather compensation than alms." 4 It will be 
seen, I think, how little resemblance there is between the 
service pension of 1832, when Congress was virtually paying 
a debt withheld for fifty years 4 and the service pension of 
1907, when all pecuniary obligations had been discharged at 
the time of peace, and the intervening forty years had been 

1 L. C. Hatch, Administration of American Revolutionary Army (Harvard 
Historical Studies) 85, 177, 178, 195. 

2 Congressional Debates, January 16, 1827 ; 3 May 1, 1832 ; 4 April 9, 1832. 


devoted to numberless and lavish benefactions. In a word, 
the present service pension is something wholly new under 
the sun, and whatever credit attaches to it must be granted 
unreservedly to those who invented it. 

The pension laws for soldiers of 1812 or of the Mexican 
War cannot be seriously brought into account, if for no other 
reason because they were enacted severally in 1871 and 1887, 
after the old precedents had been already disclaimed and the 
new departure had been long in vogue. They are part and 
parcel of the Civil War system. 

One would be glad to know, out of curiosity, how the idea 
arose that sixty-two was the destined age for the service pen- 
sion to begin ! The only explanation that appears in the pro- 
ceedings of 'Congress is that given by Senator McCumber, of 
North Dakota, 1 who finds " a kind of precedent for sixty-two 
years in the pension laws for the survivors of the Mexican 
War, which fixed this age." Precedents establish themselves, 
it will be noted, with alarming speed. Oddly enough, the 
Spanish War itself had become a precedent in the debates upon 
the law of 1907; when it was said in support of the measure, 
"Our present pensions are a bagatelle compared with those in 
the Philippine and Spanish Wars." Beside this imposing ex- 
ample it is difficult to find any authority for this edict. Pos- 
sibly some of my hearers more conversant than I with the works 
of medical science can bring up some official warrant, but for 
myself I can find none. Even the Psalmist, with antique tra- 
ditions in his mind, allows us threescore years and ten to reach 
senility. It was reserved for the American Congress in its 
wisdom to fix sixty- two as the age of " total incapacity." 

If any demur at this plain statement of facts, it should be 
noted that they are not offered in the spirit of controversy, as 
both political parties have been almost equally instrumental in 
bringing about these results. It will also be remembered, I 
trust, that the main fault falls not upon the soldiers as a class, 
but rather upon the inextricable net which others have woven 
about them. When we turn back from the last pension appro- 
priation of $153,093,086, to the year 1872, with its appropri- 
ation of $30,206,778, when the Commissioner of Pensions felt 
sure that the apex of expenditure had been reached, or to 
1875, when General Grant, leader of our armies, felt that the 
1 Congressional Record, January 9, 1907. 




claims of the soldier had already been generously met and 
that further benefactions were bound to enrich the agents of 
the bounty rather than the soldier himself, we cannot avoid 
the conclusion that something is wrong. I am passing no 
judgment upon the large numbers who have accepted these 
awards : I have rather in mind the political adventurers who 
saw their chance in appealing to the soldiers' vote ; I have in 
mind the pension attorneys, whose perquisites have steadily 
advanced from five dollars at the outset to ten, twenty, twenty- 
five dollars a claim, till now, as I learn from the papers before 
me, they demand twenty-five per cent of the entire amount 
for their few hours of service ; I have in mind also the loop- 
holes for fraud left so flagrantly open to applicant and agent 
alike ; 1 and I conclude that the blame must be visited chiefly 
upon the evil system itself. Our first word and our last must 
be, the scandals of the system ; a system of paternalism never 
dreamed of by the civilized world before, a system which 
offers every possible inducement to mendicancy and conceals 
every possible inducement to fraud. 

Henry W. Haynes then made the following communication : 

The handsome inkstand, represented in the accompanying 
plate, that ornaments the President's seat at our Council 
table was given to the Society more than fifty years ago 
by President Robert C. Winthrop. It is a reduced copy of 
a fine bronze which I saw last winter in the National Museum 
at Naples in one of the large rooms of the Picture Gallery. 
The original group with the pedestal stands about two feet 
and a half high, and represents the infant Hercules strangling 
the two serpents that Juno had sent to destroy him and his 
brother Iphicles, as Pindar tells the story in the first of his 
Nemean Odes. On the pedestal are delineated his Twelve 

The work was published in 1826 in the " Museo Borbonico " 
(I. PL 8) ; and the plate containing it was reproduced about 
the same time in Clarac's " Musee de Sculpture" (V. PI. 783, 
No. 1955, A). In 1897 Salomon Reinach included it in the 
first volume of his " Repertoire de la Statuaire Grecque et 
Romaine" (p. 462). 

i See pages 125, 126, 128, 129. 


In the earliest publication Giovambattista Finati, one of 
the editors of the " Museo Borbonico," stated that it came 
from the Farnese Collection, made by the family of Pope 
Paul III. The style of the group evidently differs widely 
from that of the bas-reliefs of the pedestal ; but that the 
group is antique has never been doubted by any of those 
who have published it. The bas-reliefs, though very beauti- 
ful, seem to belong to the best period of the Renaissance. 
Finati believes that a former owner of the antique group had 
a beautiful pedestal designed for it to be worthy of its merits. 
To me this supposition seems quite credible. 

The motif of the group of the infant Hercules strangling the 
serpents was very frequently repeated in ancient art. As 
many as eleven examples in bronze or marble, beside the 
present, are known. Of these four are in Rome, in the Vati- 
can, Capitol, and Torlonia collections ; two are in Florence ; 
one is in Turin ; one in Berlin ; and one is in the Pembroke 
Collection, at Milton House, near Salisbury, England. 

Moreover it is often found upon the coins of ancient cities ; 
of Thebes, in Bceotia (circa 447 B. a), after the battle of 
Coroneia ; of the alliance coinage of the Asiatic coast towns 
(394 B. a), after the battle of Cnidus ; and upon the coins of 
Cortona, in South Italy, commemorating the league of the Greek 
cities there against Dionysius the elder in 390 b. c 

The idea of the group is believed to be symbolical of the 
victory of light over darkness, of good over evil, and of free 
and united Hellas over barbarism and tyranny (Head, u His- 
toria Numorum," 82). Mr. Head thinks that the wide popu- 
larity of this treatment of a familiar subject at about the same 
period may perhaps be ascribed to the famous painting of 
Zeuxis, mentioned by Pliny (" Natural History," XXXV. 63), 
representing " a superb Jupiter enthroned amid the assembled 
gods, with the infant Hercules strangling the serpents in 
presence of his mother Alcraene and of Amphitruon." This 
was probably painted for the people of Agrigentum, in Sicily 
(circa 490 B. a), when the painter was residing in South Italy 
(Murray, ''Handbook of Greek Archaeology," 376). 

Theocritus {circa 280 B. c.) tells the story in one of the 
most pleasing of his Idylls (XXIV.) ; and the younger Philos- 
tratus, as late as the middle of the third century after Christ, 
included it among his imaginary subjects for a painter 



(" Icones," V.). It is found represented in full upon a vase in 
the British Museum. 

Dr. Green called the attention of the members to a table 
which he exhibited, that has a particular interest at this cen- 
tennial period. It is the one which stood in front of Lincoln 
when he delivered his second inaugural message in Washing- 
ton on March 4, 1865 ; and was given to the Society by 
Benjamin B. French on October 11, 1866. The table is made 
entirely of iron, consisting of three pieces of the dome of the 
Capitol: the feet, or stand, being one of the ornaments of 
the inner dome, inverted ; the pillar one of the balusters of 
the iron railing around the opening beneath the eye of the 
dome ; and the top a square piece cut from one of the thin 
iron panels. It was made expressly for the inauguration 
exercises; and after it had served its purpose it was taken 
home by Mr. French, who had caused it to be made. On the 
same day he wrote the following words on a piece of paper 
and stuck it underneath the top : 

Saturday, March 4, 1865, one o'clock, p.m. 
This table, formed of three pieces of iron cast for the new dome of 
the Capitol, stood upon the platform erected for the inaugural cere- 
monies of this day. It was in front of President Lincoln when he 
delivered his inaugural address, and a tumbler of water intended for 
his use stood upon it. He took the oath of office standing at its side. 
B. B. French, Commissioner of Public Buildings. 

Mr. French told Mr. Lincoln that he should give the table 
to him to take to Illinois when he should retire from the 
Presidency, as a memento of the Capitol ; but, alas, the events 
of that period prevented. Mr. French's letter to Mr. Winthrop 
is printed in full in the Proceedings (IX. 353 - 5) for October, 
1866, in which the writer says, — "If you can find a photo- 
graph of Mr. Lincoln's second inauguration, you will see that 
table very prominent in the foreground of the picture." 

Dr. Green communicated the following diary : 

At the June meeting of the Historical Society in 1897, 1 
presented a copy of Lieutenant Dudley Bradstreet's diary, 
kept at the siege of Louisburg in 1745. At the time of 
that meeting the diary belonged to Miss Sarah Coburn 


Kemp, a descendant, who afterward gave the original man- 
uscript to the Society (Proceedings, second series, XIX. 
83). Unfortunately, it was imperfect, and at the begin- 
ning lacked entries covering a period of six or seven 
weeks. I now have to report the gift of another diary 
kept during that campaign by a member of Lieutenant 
Bradstreet's company, which to an interesting degree sup- 
plements the other diary. It was found two years ago in 
the garret of a house in Bolton, which was originally a 
part of Lancaster, and is presented to the Library by John 
Calvin Lawrence Clark, town clerk of Lancaster. It is 
Mr. Clark's opinion that it was kept by Benjamin Stearns, 
a member of the company from Lancaster; and he bases 
his judgment on the resemblance of the handwriting to 
other examples of his penmanship now in existence. From 
the first entry in the diary I am inclined to think that it 
was written by one of the fourteen men who marched from 
Groton, on March 11, 1744-1745; but I defer to Mr. 
Clark's judgment. Of these men John and Daniel Pierce 
were brothers, sons of Daniel and Eleanor (Boynton) 

Whoever the writer of the diary may have been, evidently he 
belonged to the same organization as Lieutenant Bradstreet, 
who was an officer in Captain John Warner's Company, 
Fourth Massachusetts Regiment (Colonel Samuel Willard). 
Captain Warner was a resident of Lancaster, and presum- 
ably his Company was made up of soldiers belonging there 
and in Groton and neighborhood, though no muster roll is 
now extant. It is known that there were several other 
Groton men in the company beside those mentioned as 
marching on March 11, as their names are found in Brad- 
street's copy. 

The entries in Bradstreet's diary begin on April 22, 
1745, and end on January 17, 1746, while the entries in 
the present diary begin on March 11, 1745, and end on 
August 2 of the following summer. It is interesting to 
note that the record of each journal confirms that of the 
other to a great extent; and a few of the entries made 
in the present one, particularly during the latter part of 
June, appear to be almost identical with those in the 


It is well known that Colonel Willard's regiment was re- 
cruited at very short notice, certainly in less than a month ; 
and probably there were not more than fifty or sixty 
volunteers in Captain Warner's company. Of this number 
probably one half was from Lancaster and neighborhood, 
and the other half from Groton and neighborhood ; and in 
the absence of any formal record this estimate may be 
taken as a fair one. Presumably a similar squad of men 
marched from Lancaster, perhaps on the same day as the 
other squad left Groton, and they came together after 
reaching Boston, though the diary does not mention the 
fact. It will be seen that there is a marked difference 
between the literary attainments of the two diarists, which 
is not surprising, as Lieutenant Bradstreet was the son of 
a Harvard graduate and a lineal descendant of Governor 
Simon Bradstreet. From time to time the diary gives a 
date or an item which fits into other accounts of the siege 
so well that occasionally, like a piece in a child's puzzle, 
it rounds out the whole story. I have printed it without 
change, and no attempt has been made to correct either 
the style or the spelling. The writer evidently was not 
familiar with the New England coast, and in his entries 
he has greatly confused the names of various capes and 
other places. 

Memarandom march 11 : 1744/5 : then we Depart[ed] from 
groaton Namlly Dudly Bradstret and Benj! Willson Benj? Lakin 
Jonathan Lakin Jacob Nutting Daniel! Blood John Chamblin 
Stephon Barron finnes Barron Isaac Kent Aaron Boynton gidin 
Sanderson John Parce & Daniel Parce from groton to Concord : 
11: march and from Concord To Charlston : 12 :& att Charlston we 
staid: 5 : & on the 18 : we went on Board and their we staid 3: 
days & then wee sailled from Boston to a place called king roade i 
& thar we staied : 4 : days and from thence we sailled By Cape 
Can [Ann] & from thence we sailled to a place called Sheep Cutt 
harbor river [Sheepscott Bay], march : 27 : & there wee staid till 
y e 29 : of the . . . s d month and then we sailled [to] a place called 
Conopshot [Penobscot] and [P]eneyquid & then to the Bay fundy 
and their we was Two Days the weather was Exeedeing Bad for us 
their arose a greate storm and the seas run mountains high and it 
did rain very heard and the wind Did Blow very heard so that Wee 

i Now President Roads in Boston Harbor. 


was fain to let Down our sailes and lett Drive wheir the seas 
would carrey us and a terriable storm we had so Bad that I 
thought that Every minet would Be the Last and in the mean 
while our men was Exceedeing six and Did vomit & as if they 
would dy and in this Troublsom time and in the mount of Di- 
filkety I hope Every man called upon his god for his Deliver and 
after sum time the reain and wind did abate and the seays left 
hurrcagining in sum measuer and By the goodness of god who is 
wiling to save and succer all them that put their trust in him he 
Blessed us with a fair wind and Brought [us] By cape sables 
(But their is one thing that I did forgit in my writing in the 
storm a afors d our men was Exedeing sick and did vomet very 
much as if they would Dy the seas runing mountaining and I hope 
god Every man thought upon his god as for my part I did not now 
But Every minet would be the Last when we should Be swallowed 
up in the deeps [)] on the first of aprail we hoisted sail and sailed 
[out] of the Bay funday and By Cape Sambers [Sambro] and then 
by Port Looter [Latour] & thence by a place called Bevears 
[Beaver Harbor] and from thence to a place called Cape Negeors 
[Negro] Harber and from thence to a place called the Cuntry har- 
ber. th : 4 : and their we went on shoer and on : th : 5 : & : 6 : days 
we Lay : at : an : ankir : th : 7 : Day of the month on : Sunday : we 
sailed about : 3 : Leages out of sf. place towards Canso and the 
wind Being contray we droped anker again and went on shoor 
and their we found : 2 : graves and a bord set up at the head of one 
of their graves wheir 2 mens names was writton : viz : John pinkham 
and thomas hinkins Buried in the year: 1737: on monday the : 8: 
we hoisted sail again and the saim Day we pased by a place called 
white head [White Point?] and from thence we sailed to a place 
caled Canso and on the 8 of aprail By the goodnes of god we all 
arived at our Desiered haven and Droped ankor on th : 9 : afs? 
month it reained so that we could not git on shoor on the : 10 : 
Day we went : on shoor and our squardren was joyned whereoff 
Colo" Ritchman [Richmond] was our commander on : th : 17 : of : sf 
month their was an inglish Brig Brought in that was taken from 
Captain Loveing in the year 1744 Laden with : 5 : hundred hogsits 
of rum and sum melasoes whereon was a cownsil of war hild on 
the : 18 : Day to see if our men could not keep sum of the rum 
and other for the suport of the fleet and on the saim day their was 
brought in a prize She was taken one Day from the Inglish and 
the next Day retaken By Cap* Bekit [Beckwith] and Cap. Deun- 
hue [Donahew] on the next day their was : 2 : prizes brought in 
taken By viz Dunehu and Bekit a french Brig an a Cape Can 
sconer was Brought in the former of them was Laden with Pro- 


vison and other for the suport of the french : and the saim day just 
att night our men thought they Espied a french man of war and 
they all maned them selves and hoisted sail and after them they 
went to see if they could take her and in the Evening we heard 
severall guns and on : th : 19 : Day sum of our men found a pakit 
of Letters on shoor which we did conculed that the french flung 
over Board when our men fought with her the Pakit was rapped 
up in a peace of parchment and : on the saim day their was Brought 
in another prize on monday : th : 29 : Day of aprail we sailed 
towards Cap briton & on Tuesday : the : 30 : af : s c ! : month we 
went on shoor and when we was a Landang their came betwen 2 
or 3 hundred of french and Indins to Debar us from Landeng but 
by the goodness of god wee all Landed saif and well and had a 
scurrmigg with them and sum of them we took Wee took and 
killed : 17 : on the saim Day that we went on shoor : and traviled 
about : 3 : miles towards the sitey and then we pitched our campe 
not far from the sitey : on : may the : 1 : our men took : 8 : and 
: on : may : th : 2 : they took : 6 : moor and after that took the 
grand Batry and severall cows and horsies and sum plunder viz 
sum pots sum kitles sum gridirons som one thing and sum another 
and Burnt several houses : may : the : 3 : our men took : 10 : moor 
of the french and shoot several greate guns from the grand batery 
through the goviner house and did Begin to play upon them finley 

4 then we fixed our artilery and did Begin to fling our Bumes into 
the Sittey and made netorious work with them and their Buldings: 

5 : our men took one french man and one negor man may : 6 : on 
the Sabarth Day T our men took : 9 : french men and : 2 : wimon 
and the same day our guner was wonded and four of our men by : 
over-loding their guns : 10 : then our men took : 4 : french moor : 
11 : Tuesday our men took : 5 : french moor : 12 : 4 : of our me[n] 
wounded and the saim day one off them Died 23 : day of may Sergant 
Corly Died in the year 1745 and on the : 19 : Day of the saim 
month Cap! parss 2 was killed and a famos and a worthy gentle mane 
he was counted Bothe for corige and conduck and a man that 
sought y e good of his shoulders as well as the good of his king and 
cuntry on the : 20 : same month our men took 20 moor french 
wimon and children and still our men keep fierang again the wals 
of the sity and their houses & most confused work they made with 
them : by beteing Down their walls and their gats and their forts 
By Bumeing them we toor their houses : and killed severall of 
them as we have heard sence we took this sitty their is one thing 

1 The writer sometimes makes a slip in regard to the day of the week : 
the sixth of May, 1745, fell on Monday, and the eleventh of May on Saturday. 

2 Joshua Pierce, senior captain of the Fourth Massachusetts Regiment. 


worth}' of our remark one of our cannon balls kiled six french att 
one shoot : we sot sura of their houses on fier in the town : by 
shooteing Bumes but by their craftness they put them out again 
and By the way in this : dificketty times we lost sum men and 
sum wounded : admirall Warrin took a ship judged to be worth 
near a milion of money : my : 23 : our men took : 10 : french men 
and on the : 26 : about : 200 : hundred and : 80 : of our men went 
to take the Island Battrey and as near as we can tell we Lost 
forty : odd in the fight when they was a Landeing, Sum their head 
was cut off and sum their arms and other casuealty that they met 
with So that they was Destroyed and cut off after this our men 
shoot red hot Bullets into their houses and a Mongst them in the 
streets and when they saw them rool along the streets they went 
to take them up Burnt their hands they Not noying they was hot 
so by shooteing the read hoot Ball it sot many of their houses on 
fier but they By their craftness Put them out a gain may : th : 29 : 
Being the Election Day. 1 

June the : 2 ; our men took : 7 : french men and : 3 : wimon and 
in a fight that our men had with the french & Indins our men 
killed and wounded 40 of them as we heard and was informed 
credablly By them that was their 

June : th : 3 : then Cap 1 warren took a ritch prize that was Laden 
with Provison for the french Jun : th : 4 : then our men took : 
17 : french and killed : 2 : of them June : th : 5 : then one 
french man came out from the sitey and : pretending to Be a frind 
But we found that he was a trator and we secured him fast June : 
th : 6 : then our sea forces took 2 french ships Laden with rice 
and other provison for the surport of the french and the same day 
their came out one french man to our men and resined him self 
up to them he Being a youngstir June th : 8 : then we was in- 
fourmed that sum of our men took considrably many of the french 
wimon and children Sum sade the number was : 70 : and others 
said Not soo many and as to the seartain number I never could tell 
June : 10 : then our men took two Ships of considrably value then 
in a few Days after : 3 : of our men went on Board the man of 
war to help and assist them on the sea Because they put : 60 men 
on Board a sixty gun ship which they had taken from the french : 
25 : wa's in that compney which our men was in on fryday they 
went on Board and they tarred till the Tuesday folowing and at 
night they came home all well June : th : 16 : 1745 then the sitty 
was Delivered into our hands and we took Posesion of all their 
strong holds and all the glory of Leouisburg the Island Battery 

1 Alluding to Election day at home in Massachusetts, which fell on the last 
Wednesday of May. 


ind all their strong holds with all their artillirys of war and an 
Exedein strong place it is as Ever I did hear off or see in all the 
;orse of my life the walls are in sum places are towards : 30 : foot high 
ind at sum places toward 60 : odds foot through the hole siteyacion 
)f the sitey is Exedeing strong Both by Sea and land and their 
ire : 100 : and : 40 : odd ambercars [embrasures] round the wals : 6 : 
Brass guns are plased along with, the rest and : 6 : morter peaces 
ilong side of the walls and in the town : 37 : swivle guns are 
)lased upon the walls and other invenchions to Destroy us when 
ve was ingaged against them and the grand Battrey is an Exede- 
ng strong place also their are ambercars for : 35 : greate guns the 
vails are very high also Espeshaly by the sea side the Barraks 
ire of an Exedeing great Length and strong with all the watch 
Boxesis are strong as the former maid with stone and lime sum 
)art of them are Bum proof So that it will stand any Bums or 
Bullets and all round the watch Boxes in the gard house in Every 
lole their is a place fixed for swivle guns 

Hi Removed our sick to houses towards the sitey and : 2 : men to 
ook after them 

23: Sunday cloudy and foggy : 18 french men made their Escape 
yesterday Brought in their snap sacks and armes and provison & 
vear commeted to prison : mr moody * preacht in the four nook at 
he camp from provibers : th : 8 : 6 : mr Longdal 2 preacht in the 
ifter Noon from hebrews : th : 3 : 13 : the artillery mov d from the 
ascins Battery 24 mon d y raney cloudy and foggy Cap* rous came 
n but did not now that the place was taken till he sent his boat 
>n shoor att the camps 

15 : tuesday Capt Rous came in to Louisburg from Boston and 
3rought in : 2 : Bums morters & : 2 : 50 : cannons 3 
J6: wensday fine weather 27 cloudy and foggy and raney Exede- 
ng much and that day we Removed to the housen towards the 

!8 : foggy and oliver green [of Groton] dies and is bured five 
nereens are whipt 29 wett weather Northeing remarkably this day 
)0 mr moody preacht at the chapiell in the four noon & mr 
>ocker in the after noon his text was Psalms : 56: : 12 : 

1 Samuel Moody (H. C. 1697), minister of York, Maine, who died on August 
3, 1747, aged 72 years. 

2 Samuel Langdon (H. C. 1740), a native of Boston and minister of Ports- 
noutli, New Hampshire, afterward President of Harvard College. He died on 
November 29, 1797, aged 75 years. 

3 Bradstreet makes the same incredible statement. Perhaps by cannons 
he diarist meant guns or muskets. This expression among the soldiers may 
lave been slang for guns much in the same way as in modern times pistols 
ire called "guns." 


July mondy : th : 1 : fair weather : 2 : a compney comes in and did 
not now that the place was taken till sum of them came to : our 
houes wheir we dwellt 3 : wensday a man of war came in with : 
200 : shoulders to goo to annoplos to releave our men that went 
their Last sumer several vessels went out Sum for france with 
prisoners and the others for New England 

July : 4 : Severall moor vessells went out with transports to 

5 : fryday Corprall Laken order 5 . Stephen barron to gard the armes 
at which S^ Barren told Corpral to kiss his ass! for which 
abusive afrunt he ordered him to ride the pikets one our [hour] 
Colo : Choot comes from New England with : 2 : compnies of men : 

6 : fine groeing weather Cap 1 Rous sailed for England for : re- 
quits and the Councill sent for 9535 = 2:6: starleing to reapar 
the Breachess that our cannon and Bumes had made in the sitey 
& against the walls and upon his saling the men of war fiered a 
Number of guns Capt Snelleing comes from Newengland with 
solders July : th : 7: Sunday fine weather mr : moody preacht 
in the four noon in the chappill in the barrox in the sity and in 
the after noon mr Williams l and mr bolch 2 in the suburbs in the 
after noon his text was : 1 : peter : 3 C : 19 v : 20 vercies Sung : 2 
Last staves : 84 : : ps : Sung 2 : Last staves in the : 73 : : Ps : Two 
men of war went out a cruseing and sum Vessels came in 

July : 8 : monday Nine cap', viz one out of a rigment Being a com- 
mittee To search the vessells to see if they had not goot sum- 
theing that they should not carry off that was prohibeted : and 
in seeharcing they found : 7 : or 8 hundred pounds worth of Ioron 
& brought itt on shoor Capf Dennhews 3 : Vessell came in with 
that sorifull News viz they was in the gut of Canso and : 7 : Indins 
made sins as if they wanted to come on bord and sf Dennehuw 
went to goo on shoor he and the rest of his offsiers and when 
they came at the shoor their appered : 2 : hundred : Indins and 
fiered upon them and Destroyed them they was cheefly ofseirs the 
Neumbr being : 12 : and after they had Barbeusly Butchr d them 
they burnt their bodys to aschies 

Ju : 9 : Tuesday fine weather our compnies was called to the sittey 
but for what I do not now July : 10 : very plesent weather onlly 
in the morning foggy & misty But after wards clears off and is 
curis weather July : 11 : thursday fine weather a Number went to 
reasing Vessels they reased a scooner that Never had bin to sea 

i Elisha Williams (H. C. 1711), who had been President of Yale College. 

2 Thomas Balch (H. C. 1733), minister of the second parish in Dedham, 
now Norwood. 

3 Capt. David Donahew, of Marblehead, who commanded a sloop in the 


Shee is about : 40 : tun this is the : 3? : vessel that has bin ras d 

A Number of our committy consist of Nine Cap* viz one out of a 
Rigment our Cap* being one of : sf commity went to the grand 
Battry and in searcheing they found lorn and sum clotheino- con- 
sidrabl value. 

J 12 : fryday fine weather another vessel raised moor considrabll 
Plunder brought on shoor from the vessels Several shallops comes 
in with freuch : &c : 

July : 13 : Saturday clearer weather sf com^ went in search of 
plundr and found and Brought severll boats Lods on shoor : viz : 
sum bar Iron sum spiks sum cabls and other Lumber : 30 : stearle- 
ing found by one of our com" severall scholops of french comes in : 
J : 14 : Sunday cloudy & foggy : &c : in y e foor noon mr willims 
precht from : 1 : of chron^ 1 : 13 : 20 21 : & 22 : sung : 20 : : P : S : 
[Psalms] in the after noon mr fairweather 1 Preacht from y e 1 : of 
chron : y e : 11 : & : 13 : on sf day Took a french prize Shee was 
taken by Cap* fletcher and he informed us that the ship that our 
men had a chass when we was in canso that shee arrived att 
Cannodo : : 32 : Days agoo : 

15 : monday fine Weather. July : 16 : the sun arose clear in the 
morning but Presently clods up and is foggy Several vesselis corns 
in from New England with shoulders consisteing of 500 : 
Wensday : 17 : severall of our men goo home : viz : L : Whitcomb 
En : hutching : Serg : godfree : Serg : Wainer Corprol Jonson : J : 
Willard gordin hutching : Went on search after cattle and found : 
3 : horciss & : 5 : cows : 

: 18 : thursday thanks giving mr Williams Preacht 
A sheep Deliver 1 ^ to Every compney and one pint of wine 2 to 
keep thanks giveing with our sheep after the guts was taken out 
moor fitt for a Lanthorn than to Eatt Som compnies comes in : 
19 : fryday fine weather 

A ship sailed for france Loded with transports with a flagg of 
truce 20 Saturday cloudy and raney a flagg of truce sailed for 
france with transports 

21 : Sunday Raney in the morneing mr Williams preacht in the 
foor noon from John : 20 : 31 : and in the after noon the old Eng- 
land people mett att the barrax & the churchmans text was in 
psalm : 1 : 16 : 12 

vessels comes in from Newengland Brought in men women and 
children July 22 : monday fair weather 23 : Tuesday two of our men 

1 Samuel Fayerweather (H. C. 1743), chaplain on board of the frigate " Mas- 
sachusetts, " Capt. Edward Tyng. See Sabine'e "Loyalists of the American 
Revolution" (1.419). 

2 The wine served out to the men at this time undoubtedly was loot taken 
from the enemy. 


of war went out after a ship and when they came up with hir they 
fired severall Bow guns and sum chase guns att hir and then one 
brod side and then shee struck to us and shee was Laden with 
silks and sattins and a great quantney of silver and goald and 
other Ritch Lodeing Shee had allso : 700 : men on board hur 

24 Came in New recurets [recruits] from New England to help us 

25 fair and plessent weather northepng] remarkably this day 
: 26 : plesent weather 

July 27 : Raney and foggy and thick clouds Notheing Remarkabll 

this Day I lay too awhal 

th : 28 : fine weather and pleasent and on s? Day their came in a 

Ritch prize that our men had taken a day or Two ago Shee was 

Loaded with pepper and other Valabull Lodden 

J th : 29 : raney and foggy and sum thick clouds moor men comes 

in from New England to help us sumtheing of a curmuge [scrimmage] 

Betwn sum of the Land : armey and the seafarreing men 

J 30 : foggy and cloudy 

J 31 : raney and mistey notheing remarkabl this day 

August : 1 : 1745 : thursday fair and clear and plesent wether 

nothing remarkable this day as i have heard 

2 fry-clay fair & clear thair came in a large prize which our men 

had taken Some days ago laden with silver and gold & other rich 

loaden She had been 3 years in her passage 

The President then observed that, before submitting the 
paper relating to the footprints of Milton in early New Eng- 
land literature and his influence upon that literature, an- 
nounced in the notice of the meeting, some reference on his 
part bearing on the centennial observances of the morrow 
might not be otherwise than appropriate. The occasion was 
doubly interesting. The one-hundredth anniversary of the 
birth of President Lincoln and of that of Charles Darwin 
would then be observed. However indisputably great as his- 
torical characters, neither Lincoln nor Darwin was especially 
connected with historical research ; and consequently no special 
observance of the advent of either was called for on the part 
of this Society. So far as Darwin was concerned, Mr. Adams 
said he had already borne his testimony and it stood of record 
in our Proceedings. 1 To it he had nothing now to add. It 
was somewhat otherwise as respects President Lincoln. It 
was not without a certain interest that, in the course of casual 

1 2 Proceedings, xiii. 89-96, 156. 


conversation before the hour of the present meeting, two 
among a half dozen persons present should have made allusion 
to having been present at Lincoln's first inauguration. Of the 
fast disappearing number of those there, both naturally re- 
tained a vivid recollection, not only of the incidents thereof, 
but of the Washington of that time. The two were the 
Librarian, Dr. Green, and himself. In his own case the 
memory of that particular day was curiously distinct. His 
father, C. F. Adams, — long a member of the Society, and one 
of its Vice-Presidents, — then occupied a seat in the national 
House of Representatives, and, Mr, Adams went on to say, 
he himself, a young man of twenty-five, was at the time of the 
inauguration a guest in his father's house. Not many at best 
of those now living can recall as matter of personal reminis- 
cence any condition of affairs which prevailed on a specified 
date half a century since. The living witnesses of the inci- 
dents of that particular inaugural day are naturally fewer 
still ; while, of course, it goes without saying that not an in- 
dividual survives of those who in 1861 were prominent in 
public life. 

Mr. Adams then referred to a communication of Mr. 
Matthews, a Resident Member of the Society, consisting 
mainly of extracts from the National Intelligencer, which 
had appeared in the Boston Evening Transcript of Monday, 
February 1. In it the course of events which marked 
the inauguration of March 4, 1861, was set forth. The ac- 
count thus given was, from an historic point of view, suffi- 
ciently correct; but it quite failed to convey any idea of 
what might most appropriately be denominated " the true 
inwardness " of that memorable occasion, — so to speak, its 
politico-atmospheric conditions. These were peculiar, and 
just at the juncture unparalleled in our history. 

All through November and December, 1860, the vague ap- 
prehension of impending calamity had throughout the country 
been growing into a terrifying conviction. This is well known ; 
but it is not so fully realized how locally overstrained and 
nervous — how tense to a degree — conditions had become in 
Washington during the following early months of 1861. Sus- 
pense, long continued, had then had ample time in which 
to work on the nerves ; and anything, it was felt, might hap- 
pen. Surcharged, so to speak, with electricity, the situation 



was in fact full of possibilities. Few realize now the real 
danger which then existed, or what might easily have hap- 
pened. Only a month later the outbreak occurred, and for 
the time being Washington was isolated : but throughout 
February and early in March the seat of government was, so 
to speak, within the potential enemy's lines ; for Maryland 
was a slave State, and the mob of Baltimore distinctly sympa- 
thized with the already organized Confederacy. Those were 
the days, too, of the famous Baltimore " Plug-uglies." The 
outbreak of riot and killing, which occurred only a few 
weeks later, when the Sixth Massachusetts endeavored to pass 
through Baltimore on its way to Washington, showed clearly 
enough the latent sympathies and savage temper of the place. 
Virginia, also, was doubtful ground. Anything was there 
possible ; and Washington was full of stories of conspiracies, 
of possible outbreaks, of riots on Pennsylvania Avenue, and 
of raids from across the Potomac. Any unlooked-for incident 
might precipitate an outbreak. General Scott was at the 
head of the army ; and Scott, though loyal, was by birth a 
Virginian. A small force of cavalry, artillery, engineers and 
infantry, numbering at most a few hundred men, had been 
concentrated at Washington, with a view to possible emergen- 
cies ; but the city was, in no sense of the term, garrisoned, 
or in position to resist the rush of an armed mob, whether from 
Virginia or Maryland. That the sympathies of the residents 
were wholly with the secessionist cause was matter of common 
notoriety. The fact was too obvious to escape attention. 
Under these conditions every one, either resident there or in 
Washington for the time being only, was suggesting dangers, 
repeating rumors, and discussing possibilities. 

The President-elect had suddenly arrived in the Capital 
some days before, coming unannounced and by night, — so to 
speak, smuggled through Maryland. There was also good 
cause for such precautions ; for had he passed through Balti- 
more openly, not impossibly the outbreak of April might 
have been precipitated. So far as Maryland was concerned, 
the whole situation temporarily depended on the governor 
of the State, Thomas H. Hicks ; and, though a Union man at 
heart, the environment of Governor Hicks was known to be 
intensely secessionist in temper. The mob of what our asso- 
ciate Dr. Holmes then termed in one of his spirited lyrics u the 


murder-haunted town " had an ill-fame which was quite con- 
tinental ; and that mob, whenever it chose to assert itself, was 
locally in full control. It is all matter of history now; and 
history has recorded what the actual chances were ; but, 
whether it has so recorded or failed to record, my own belief, 
due to a close and fairly intimate knowledge of what then, 
from day to day, took place, is that the cause of the Union 
owed a great deal to the decisive attitude and unquestionable 
courage of Henry Winter Davis, then representing Congress 
from Maryland. Mr. Davis's judgment, as events afterwards 
showed, was not always above question ; his political prin- 
ciples and motives were openly impugned ; his nerve and 
purpose at that juncture were, however, open to no mis- 
conception. To what extent his backing and influence stif- 
fened up Governor Hicks at the critical juncture, I am not 
informed; but as matter of history, Governor Hicks proved 
equal to the occasion to a fair and saving degree only. His 
utterances were at times uncertain and his action vacillating ; 
and had they been a shade only more so, much less wholly 
otherwise than they were, the national Capital would have 
been at the outset lost. 1 

Coming now to his own recollections, Mr. Adams said that 
he remembered dining on the day preceding the inaugura- 
tion at the house of Secretary Seward, then in the Senate, 
but whose appointment as Secretary of State had been an- 
nounced. It was a Sunday, and the mid-day dinner was of a 
very informal character. Perhaps eight or ten — like himself, 
visitors in Washington — were there as guests. The conver- 
sation had been of the most desultory character, when sud- 
denly Governor Seward caused something closely resembling a 
tremor of surprise and curiosity about the table, by mention- 
ing, in an incidental way, the fact that he had that morning 
been reading, in manuscript, the inaugural address of Mr. 
Lincoln, prepared for delivery on the morrow. A startled 
silence followed ; and after a moment some one suggested 
that it would be extremely interesting to know what the 
inaugural contained. Governor Seward, in his off-hand way, 
then went on to say that he thought it a very sensible paper, 
and believed it would give general satisfaction. He then 

1 G. L. P. Radeliffe, Governor Thomas H. Hicks of Maryland and the Civil 
War (Johns Hopkins University Studies, xix, Nos. 11-12), pp. 43-50. 


added a significant comment, and one indicating, in the 
light of subsequent events, a curious insight on his part into 
the character of the President-elect. In reading the address, 
he said, he noticed a vein of imagination and sentiment run- 
ning through Mr. Lincoln's mind, which in value outweighed, 
in his judgment, all his other qualities. Mr. Seward, of course, 
at the time gave no further indication of the details of the 
inaugural as a political utterance, especially as the party at 
his table included at least two prominent newspaper men. 

The President then went on : 

The following day was clear and, as I remember it, some- 
what blustery. Any one who has ever encountered on 
Pennsylvania Avenue a March dust borne on a March wind is 
not likely even in the Washington of to-day to covet a repe- 
tition of the -experience ; and fifty years ago the streets of 
Washington, as yet unpaved, were always either impassable 
from mud or .ankle-deep in dust. On the day of Lincoln's 
first inaugural a rasping wind was dust-ladened. None the 
less for that, from an early hour the whole town seemed to 
gather towards the Capitol. During the earlier proceedings I 
was present in the reporters' gallery of the Senate Chamber, 
surreptitiously smuggled in, as I remember it, under the 
friendly wing of General James Watson Webb, the famous 
editor of the New York Courier and Enquirer ; but I can 
recall nothing of what took place below, except the impression 
made on me by the two chief personalities of the occasion — 
the outgoing President and the President-elect. In spite of 
his wry neck and dubious age, I could not but feel that Mr. 
Buchanan was undeniably the more presentable man of the 
two ; his tall, large figure and white head appeared well beside 
Mr. Lincoln's lank angular form and hirsute face ; nor did the 
dress and bearing of the latter indicate that knowledge which 
was desirable of the amenities of the time and place. As a 
whole the scene impressed me as being distinctly unimpressive. 

During the delivery of the inaugural from the usual impro- 
vised plank structure on the east front, Dr. Green tells me he 
stood much nearer Mr. Lincoln than I succeeded in getting. In 
fact, from where I was, I could only distinguish his words 
now and then, without at all following the thread of the ad- 

1909.] Lincoln's first inauguration. 149 

dress. As a spectacle, it was not heartening. The Capitol, 
it must be remembered, was at that time in a wholly un- 
finished condition, and derricks rose from the great dome as 
well as from the Senate and Representative wings. On the 
staging front I saw a tall, ungainly man addressing a motlej^ 
gathering, — some thousands in number, — with a voice ele- 
vated to its highest pitch; but his delivery, as I remember 
it, was good — quiet, accompanied by little gesture and with 
small pretence at oratory. The grounds at the east front are 
so large that it is difficult ever to compute correctly an audience 
there gathered. I should say, however, that the mob of citi- 
zens on that occasion did not exceed four or five thousand. 
Probably there were many more. It was a very ordinary 
gathering, with a somewhat noticeable absence of pomp, state, 
ceremony, or even of constabulary. As I remember, not a 
uniform was to be seen. I recall it as a species of mass meet- 
ing evincing little enthusiasm ; but silent, attentive, appre- 
ciative, and wonderfully respectable and orderly. 

Throughout, however, a curious sense of uneasiness pre- 
vailed, — a sort of nervous expectancy. The thought was 
ever present in my mind, as I fancy in that of every individual 
there, of something not on the programme about to occur. 
I did not myself really fear, much less expect it; but, none 
the less, I very distinctly recall the latent mental suggestion, 
— what if some Southern fire-eater or fanatical secessionist 
should now bring this ceremony to a sudden close by a deed 
of violence, — by a pistol bullet from near at hand, or a rifle 
shot from some more distant window yonder? There was, 
however, no crazed and theatrical John Wilkes Booth in that 
gathering, or at least, if there, he did not put himself in evi- 
dence ; and so the tragic outcome of four years later was 
not then forestalled. Presently the inaugural was brought 
to a close, and the audience melted slowly away. As I left 
the ground on my way towards Lafayette Square, I chanced 
across Senator Sumner, and joined him in the walk back. He 
was in great spirits ; he was pleased with the inaugural, and 
evidently much relieved that the occasion had passed away in 
orderly fashion and without a hitch. The party to which 
he belonged was at last in firm possession of the machinery 
of government. Referring to the address, he expressed, I 
remember, strong approval of it, saying, in slightly oratorical 


though extremely characteristic fashion, that it suggested 
to him the old simile of " a hand of iron in a velvet 

As we went westward, along F Street, which runs nearly 
parallel with Pennsylvania Avenue, but on higher ground, we 
saw in front of us a small closed carriage, low hung and drawn 
by a single horse only, behind which two uniformed staff- 
officers were riding. Recognizing it as General Scott's 
equipage, Mr. Sumner suggested that we should stop and 
speak to him. We came up to the carriage, as I recall the 
incident, somewhere in the neighborhood of the Patent Office 
building, whence the intersecting streets commanded a view 
of Pennsylvania Avenue, a block below. The situation at once 
became plain. His carriage had drawn up there, and Scott 
was observing the march of the procession which accompanied 
the President along Pennsylvania Avenue, on his way back 
to the White House, — the General himself driving along the 
street above the avenue, but commanding it at intersect- 
ing points. All his arrangements had been carefully made, 
and such forces as he had at his disposal, when not part of 
the procession, were within easy summons. It was stated, I 
know not how truty, that at certain points sharpshooters had 
been posted on roofs of houses or in the windows of some of 
the buildings commanding the east front of the Capitol and 
portions of Pennsylvania Avenue, always, of course, concealed. 
The artillery was, as I remember, not in sight, at least it 
was not so far as my observation went ; but doubtless it was 
within immediate call of controlling points. As the batteries 
were of the regular army, any attempt at rioting or outbreak 
would, I fancy, have been summarily dealt with. I have a 
most distinct memory of General Scott's appearance. When 
Mr. Sumner addressed him through the carriage window, he 
was looking intently the other way, down the street towards 
Pennsylvania Avenue, watching the procession ; but when 
lie heard Mr. Sumner's voice, he turned quickly around, his 
face bearing an aspect of great relief and satisfaction, and 
remarked that everything was going on as smoothly and 
quietly as possible, and the moment of possible danger he felt 
had been safely passed. He shook hands with us ; and we 
then exchanged a few words of greeting with his two aids, 
both of whom seemed to be in the highest of spirits ; one of 


them, I remember, being Colonel Keyes, of Massachusetts, 
afterwards a Major-General. 

It is now a matter of history ; and so it is unnecessary to 
say that the inauguration of March 4, 1861, passed off smoothly 
and quietly, the all-pervading sense of alarm so very mani- 
fest being certainly not without reason. 

I remained in Washington several days after the inaugura- 
tion, attending, I remember, the first White-House reception 
of President Lincoln. His appearance was indisputably awk- 
ward and ungainly. Obviously he did not feel at all at home 
amid his new surroundings. Though the memory of the fact 
has now passed away, it is comical to recall the dismay felt in 
Washington at the bearing and methods of the new occupants 
of the Executive Mansion. I have already once before here 
referred to it. 1 Both Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln were essentially 
plain people from Springfield, Illinois, — as it then existed; 
and the prairie Illinois capital was by no means, nor in any 
respect, what is known as a social centre. Naturally, then, 
Mrs. Lincoln had as little knowledge as was possible of the 
conventionalities, — I might say, of the ordinary amenities even, 
— of social life in Washington. The domestic arrangements 
and condition of affairs she found in the service of the White 
House failed to commend themselves to her ideas of the ever- 
lasting fitness of things. So she was quoted as talking of the 
unnecessary amount of "help," and of the reductions and 
changes in the direction of simplicity she proposed at once to 
introduce. As for the President, he had come to Washington 
filled, apparently, with a sense of the obligations in the way of 
office-giving which he had assumed during the canvass, and 
his ideas of department responsibility were of the vaguest 
possible character. He had some rude pocket memorandum 
books to which he continually referred, a species of debit and 
credit ledger, in which were pencilled entries relating to the 
various States, showing what each was entitled to have, and 
the persons toward whom he considered himself under special 
obligation. As to the tremendous crisis which then confronted 
the country and himself individually, — the catastrophe imme- 
diately impending, — if at that time Mr. Lincoln realized the 
situation, he certainly, so far as the outer world was concerned, 
gave no indication of the fact. A vague sort of idea had pre- 
1 3 Proceedings, i. 116. 


vailed that, should the fourth of March and the inauguration 
be safely passed, things would once more assume their normal 
shape. The apprehension of further disaster would be allayed. 
In that spirit of optimism so characteristic of our people, it 
was tacitly assumed, that the South would commit itself by 
no act of overt violence, until some actual invasion was at- 
tempted of what it called its " rights." The cloud, ominously 
gathered on the southern horizon, might thus gradually 
disperse. We would then shake off the besetting nightmare 
of the last four months, and, like Bunyan's Pilgrim, realize 
that it was, after all, only a dream. The ides of March were 
to witness the awakening. 

It is curious, and now from the historic point of view even 
of interest, to recall the contemporary evidence of this clinging 
to the last strand of hope. No blow had yet been struck, nor 
any blood shed; and until some blow was struck and blood 
had actually been shed, ground for hope remained. In a word, 
even in March, 1861, we failed fully to realize the inevitable. 
We still hugged our pleasing delusions. So I find that on the 
very day of the inauguration I wrote home thus : 

I have always held, particularly for the last few weeks, that the 
secession excitement could not be expected to die away while the fourth 
of March was impending. The coming change of the Government was 
a continually disturbing element. This is at last removed, and from 
this time the secession excitement, I believe, will die away, and the 
Union feeling rise almost visibly, day by day; unless again the seces- 
sion feeling is revived by some act of strange folly on the part of the 
Administration. Almost the last act of the Congress just expired was 
one of conciliation, passed in spite of factious opposition ; and within 
the last few days I have conversed with many men from the South, in- 
cluding even South Carolina, and all announce a better, kinder state of 
feeling, needing only gentleness and conciliation to ripen into Union. 

This pleasing, if somewhat iridescent, dream was dissipated 
during the days immediately following the inauguration. I 
have a most vivid recollection of the frightened feeling with 
which we noted the course of events, and the gradual growth 
of a final conviction that the worst was yet to come, but 
now closely impending. Instead of dispersing, the cloud 
which lowered south of the Potomac became almost momenta- 
rily more and more lurid, while electric flashes followed each 


other in ever quicker succession. Before many more clays of 
that momentous month of March had succeeded each other, we 
all realized that the " Ship of State," to use the familiar 
figure, was rolling helplessly on the long ground-swell of an 
oily sea towards a lee shore of a most alarmingly portentous 
aspect. A short time only, and we would find ourselves in 
the breakers. It was only a question of when and where and 
how. A catastrophe was not only inevitable but imminent ; 
what would then happen no man for a moment pretended 
to predict. We all with bated breath and sickening anxiety 
awaited the dread moment. 

One of the incidents I most clearly remember in those days 
was a morning horseback ride, in company with a sister, across 
the Potomac to Arlington. Colonel Lee, as he then was, had 
been, if I remember right, at the time on duty in Texas, but 
was known to be on his way to Washington. I had shortly 
before been a guest of the Lee family, dining at Arlington. 
On the particular morning to which I refer, — a typical Virginia 
spring morning, with the verdure just beginning to show on 
the trees and in the fields, — my sister and I had ridden over 
to Arlington, where we had passed half an hour or so in com- 
pany with the members of the Lee family, — Mrs. Lee and 
her daughters. As we rode homeward down the driveway 
toward the Potomac, we met a hack, apparently from the 
station, driving up to the house. Behind it a trunk was 
strapped; and, as we passed, a man of fifty or thereabouts, 
with regular features and a grayish beard, turned towards us, 
evidently curious as to who we might be. I have always 
believed it was Colonel Lee, just back from Texas. If so, that 
was the only time I ever set eyes upon him. Never fully satis- 
fied in my own mind that it was he, I have none the less 
a curiously distinct recollection of the look of inquiry on 
the face as the occupant of the vehicle glanced suddenly out 
with a startled expression, — so to speak, taking us in. 

Shortly after, my father's establishment in Washington was 
broken up, and I returned to Boston ; where, a few days later, 
his appointment to the English mission was announced. 

Such are my personal recollections of Lincoln's first inau- 
guration, and of a period in Washington than which none in 
the history of the country is more interesting. Certainly no 
period thereafter was marked by a greater anxiety, was more 



pregnant with possibilities, or, for that matter, with future 

I now have to submit the paper referred to in the notice of 
this meeting, presenting certain data on the familiarity of the 
Massachusetts community with John Milton and his works 
during the century following the publication of " Paradise 
Lost," — a species of aftermath of our Milton Tercentenary. 

Milton's Impress on the Provincial Literature of 
New England 

Of those who attended the Society's Tercentennial observ- 
ance of Milton's birth, or have since read the report of that 
occasion in our recently published Serial, some will probably 
recall that in my so-called Introduction I raised a question 
as to the familiarity of our Massachusetts community with 
" Paradise Lost " during the century following its publication. 
I intentionally and with a purpose did so in these somewhat 
aggressive words, — " startling as it seems to say it, in all our 
Massachusetts literature and publications, whether of books 
or diaries or letters, including funeral discourses and memoirs, 

— the output of the entire century which followed the publi- 
cation of ' Paradise Lost,' — I have been as yet able to find 
but a single footprint of Milton, one solitary indication only 
that he exercised any influence whatever over the thought 
or imaginings of those generations." 1 

As I designed it should, my challenge — for such it was — 
met with an immediate response, bringing to the surface a 
good deal of information of more or less interest. So far as 
our Massachusetts community is concerned, it constituted, 
coming as it did from various sources, almost an American 
Miltonian bibliography. This information, much of it sug- 
gestive as well as historically curious, I propose now to incor- 
porate, as matter of record, in the Proceedings of the Society, 

— the aftermath, so to speak, of our Tercentenary. 

In the first place, however, and speaking in a general way, 
it is matter of familiar history that after the first generation 
of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay passed on, — say from 
as early as the deaths of Winthrop and Cotton, the former of 
which occurred in 1649 and the latter in 1652, or respectively 

i Ante, 50, 61. 


eighteen and fifteen years before the publication of " Paradise 
Lost," — after, we will then say, 1650, a distinct and notice- 
able deterioration in the Massachusetts community is observ- 
able. Nor does the fact in any way call for explanation as 
something of an exceptional nature. On the contrary, this 
deterioration was in strict conformity with a well-known law ; 
and we have but to consult our own recent experience to find 
other examples of the working of the same law. In a normal, 
healthy migration, especially when the moving impulse is 
either religious, — as in the case of Massachusetts in 1630, 
— or is due to Virgil's auri sacra fames, — as with California 
more than two centuries later, — the vanguard of the move- 
ment is almost invariably composed of picked men, the more 
energetic, adventurous, and active-minded. We have our- 
selves seen this natural law in active operation in the country 
towns of New England through the century just closed, and 
it is in equally active operation now ; the more capable and 
self-confident of both sexes have moved and are still moving 
from our country towns into the cities or to the West. On 
the other hand, it is noticeable that the succeeding genera- 
tion — the immediate offspring — of these people does not 
measure up to the standard of its fathers and mothers. A 
striking instance is now before us in the case of Illinois ; 
and to-morrow's centenary lends much significance to it. To- 
day, has that State in public life any one man at all up to the 
standard of Abraham Lincoln? And, be it also remembered, 
Lyman Trumbull and Stephen A. Douglas — both men of the 
first generation of settlers — were Lincoln's contemporaries. 

It is not necessary to dilate on this topic. Let any one who 
has had occasion to observe, take counsel of his own experi- 
ence. My individual opportunities have in this respect been 
considerable, extending over a wide field and the lifetime of 
more than one generation ; and the conclusion I draw from 
that experience tends distinctly to a confirmation of the rule. 
From the Great Lakes to the Pacific Coast, as I have seen the 
men I knew of the first generation pass on, there has been 
something pathetic and almost, if not altogether, disturbing, 
in the uniform tendency to manifestly lower standards in the 
succeeding generation, — in many cases to a distinct and well- 
developed degeneracy. This, also, in spite of our continually 
more and more elaborated educational system and facilities. 


Tn the cases referred to, the tendency has been largely due to 
the unduly rapid accumulation of wealth, a crude accompany- 
ing civilization, and the necessarily incident demoralization. 
This unquestionably will in due time correct itself. In the 
case of New England, however, after those of the first migra- 
tion — typified by Winthrop and Cotton — died off, or at a 
line roughly drawn at about a score of years before the ap- 
pearance of " Paradise Lost," — say at 1650, — the New Eng- 
land community lapsed into a phase of distinct and restricted 
provincialism. Cut off from all close intercourse with Europe, 
without any advancing educational opportunities, with no 
rapid accumulation of wealth, the tendency both in action and 
in thought was through more than a century distinctly towards 
the local and commonplace. Industrious and thrifty, the 
mental activities of Massachusetts, as of her sister Provinces, 
instinctively inclined during that long period to theological 
issues ; ever conscious of the existence of a mother-country of 
admitted superiority in all respects, from whom condescension 
was accepted as of course, they lived under the dwarfing influ- 
ence of a colonial system. An extreme and almost subservient 
deference to European, and especially English, opinion and 
acquirement, as we of the older generation can testify from 
memory, was inherited from the fathers, nor did it die away 
until long after the War of Secession, and in fact only within 
the last score of years. That it has wholly died out yet 
admits of question. 

But, as respects these periods, both that of genesis and that 
of slow development during the century succeeding genesis, 
Massachusetts has a distinct and, so far as I am competent to 
judge, a unique literary record. In that record, as in a 
mirror, it can be studied as a community. This record con- 
sists of four separate works, covering almost exactly a century 
of time. These are the Bradford and Winthrop Histories, 
Mather's Magnalia, and SewalPs Diary. The first two are of 
the settlement period (1620-1650) ; the last two are photo- 
graphic representations of subsequent life and thought, — the 
intellectual activities and material and political existence of 
the three succeeding generations. The Magnalia appeared in 
1702 ; SewalPs Diary closed in 1729. 

Coming now to Milton and the vogue and influence of 
" Paradise Lost," during the century following its publication, 


at a memorial meeting of the British Academy held on De- 
cember 10, a paper prepared by Professor Dovvden was read, 
bearing on the Miltonian impress observable in the English 
literature of the eighteenth century (1701-1750) ; and an- 
other paper was submitted by Professor J. G. Robertson, en- 
titled " Milton's Fame on the Continent." I do not know that 
either of these papers has as yet been printed in full ; but 
somewhat detailed abstracts of them are to be found in the 
issue of the London Athenseum of January 2. The paper I 
now submit in a degree supplements the two, relating as it 
does to the footprints of Milton discoverable in the trans- 
Atlantic thought and literature during the first half of the 
eighteenth century. What evidence is to be found of Amer- 
ican familiarity with " Paradise Lost " during the Provincial 
period, or of the influence there and then exercised by it or 
by Milton ? 

And, in the first place, as to continental reprints and trans- 
lations. Passing by Professor Dowden's paper, which relates 
wholly to English editions of Milton, reprints thereof, and com- 
mentaries thereon, from John Dennis's criticism to Bentley's 
conjectural emendations, Professor Robertson shows that the 
earliest translation of " Paradise Lost " was that in German 
by Berge, published at Zerbst as early as 1682. As late, 
however, as 1718, it was declared that the English epic "had 
not been, and doubtless never would be, translated into 
French." Nevertheless it was only ten years later that the 
first French translation appeared, that of Dupre de Saint 
Maur. It was a free rendering ; and Professor Robertson says 
of it that, very far from satisfactory, it was eminently read- 
able, and suited the taste of the time. He then goes on as 

Meanwhile, the Italians and the Germans were interesting them- 
selves in Milton. It was, in fact, the Italians rather than the French, 
who were the pioneers of a true critical appreciation of Milton's genius 
on the Continent. An Italian settled in England, Paolo Rolli, pro- 
duced the best translation of " Paradise Lost " into verse in the eight- 
eenth century. But even greater importance must be attached to the 
relation of Italian criticism to Milton. Muratori, in his eloquent plead- 
ing for the freedom and supremacy of the imagination in poetry, had 
prepared the way, and that writer's " Delia perfetta poesia italiana," 
although it does not mention Milton, is the best vindication of Milton's 


greatness. Muratori's distinguished disciple Luzan was the first 
Spaniard to interest himself in Milton ; and the two Swiss critics, 
Bodmer and Breitinger, who vigorously championed the English poet 
in Germany, drew their most vital ideas from Muratori. 

Bodmer's prose translation of "Paradise Lost" (1732), clumsy 
although it is, is of the first importance for the history of German 
poetry and criticism. It was virtually round this translation that the 
famous literary controversy took place between the Swiss critics on the 
one hand, and the Leipsic professor Gottsched, as the defender of French 
classicism, on the other. Gottsched was worsted, and from the midst of 
the strife emerged in Klopstock a genuine poet, the fountain head of 
whose inspiration was Milton. 

As a prose writer and controversialist, Milton's was already 
a name familiar to continental publicists. As he expressed 
it himself, his eyesight was " overplied " and lost in a 
" noble task, of which all Europe rings from side to side." 
Under such circumstances the quick acceptance of " Paradise 
Lost" by continental countries, and its rendering into other 
tongues, were naturally to be expected ; and America was 
throughout that century a wholly negligible quantity. But 
New England was at least both English and Puritan, and as 
such it was distinctly faith -founded. To the manner born, 
beside being a Puritan, Milton was also an exponent, if not 
the exponent, of the Puritan's faith. Such being the case, the 
degree of recognition and acceptance at the time accorded 
to "Paradise Lost" by those of its author's own blood and 
habits of thought and faith across the Atlantic, is a subject 
not unworthy of the investigation suggested. In my Intro- 
duction at our Tercentenary, it will be remembered I put 
forth three queries: (1) was there any trace of Milton's 
influence to be found in our American literature prior to the 
War of Independence ; (2) were there any quotations from 
" Paradise Lost," or references to it, to be found in American 
publications prior to 1767 ; and (3) could any one produce a 
copy of the " Paradise Lost" which found a well-authenticated 
abiding place on a Massachusetts book-shelf prior to 1767 ? 

In the light of information elicited by this triple challenge, 
I am now prepared to answer the questions thus raised. I can 
do so with a greater or less approximation to exhaustive 

The parable of the sower might here fittingly be referred 


to. Indeed, it would afford a highly appropriate text intro- 
ductory of what is to follow ; for it is, in the first place, desir- 
able to say something as to the American soil and conditions 
during the Provincial period, so far as literature proper was 
concerned. During the century following the publication of 
" Paradise Lost," England and France were intellectually in 
a condition of marked activity, — the soil was ripe, and ready 
for fruition. 1 It was the period of Dryden and Racine, of 
Addison and Moli£re, of Voltaire and Pope. The seed cast 
by Milton, therefore, fell on fertile ground, — ground warm 
and kindly, — and the natural result followed. It bore fruit 
an hundredfold. But with America the case stood far other- 
wise. In a very famous passage in his speech on Concilia- 
tion with America, Burke told Parliament that the Americans 
were at that time (1775) essentially a book-buying people. 
Their purchases, however, judging by what he said, were con- 
fined to works on Law ; though we, from other sources, know 
that there was also a very considerable American demand for 
theological treatises. Importers of books of a certain class, 
Americans had not as yet arrived at the productive literary 
stage. As I have said, it was with us the age of Cotton Mather 
and Samuel Sewall ; and when it came to John Milton as to the 
scriptural sov/er, it is obvious that our American soil was not 
in a receptive condition. On the contrary, it was distinctly 
glacial, — the ground deep down was stiff with frost. So, 
though Massachusetts was beyond question Puritan, and the 
daughter of that English Commonwealth with which Milton 
was so closely identified, the poetical seed he cast here fell by 
the wayside and in stony places. I think, indeed, it may safely 
be said that there has not come down to us a single indication 
of a real poetic receptivity in all America, much less of a gen- 
uine poetic impulse, — something that moved instinctively to 
an expression, — from 1650 until after the year 1800. Some 
trans-Atlantic verses, it is true, were from time to time writ- 
ten during those years ; but the writers were always flagrantly 
imitative, and usually the product was pure doggerel. We 
find such imitations as the little volume of fugitive pieces 
entitled " A Collection of Poems by Several Hands " (Boston, 
1744), or such wretched, jingling doggerel as Michael Wiggles- 

1 See Introduction in Spingarn's Critical Essays of the Seventeenth Century 
(Oxford, 1908). 


worth's " Day of Doom." The former volume, merely a weak 
imitation of Pope, I shall presently refer to more at length ; 
but the production last specified, Wigglesworth's u Day of 
Doom," gave a far more correct representation of the poetic 
taste, or rather the taste for versification, then prevailing in 
the American Provinces. It seems to have met and satisfied 
the popular demand. Of it Professor Tyler says : 

The eighteen hundred copies of the first edition were sold within a 
single year; which implies the purchase of a copy of " The Day of 
Doom " by at least every thirty-fifth person then in New England, — an 
example of the commercial success of a book never afterward equalled in 
this country. . . . But no narrative of our intellectual history during 
the colonial days can justly fail to record the enormous influence of 
this terrible poem during all those times. Not only was it largely cir- 
culated in the form of a book, but it was hawked about the country, in 
broadsides, as a popular ballad ; it " was the solace," as Lowell play- 
fully says, " of every fireside, the flicker of the pine-knots by which it 
was conned perhaps adding a livelier relish to its premonitions of eter- 
nal combustion ; " its pages were assigned in course to little children, 
to be learned by heart, along with the catechism ; as late as the preseut 
century, there were in New England many aged persons who were able 
to repeat the whole poem ; for more than a hundred years after its first 
publication, it was, beyond question, the one supreme poem of Puritan 
New England ; and Cotton Mather predicted that it would continue to 
be read in New England until the day of doom itself should arrive. 1 

It hardly needs to be said that a generation of men and 
women, much more a community, which was satisfied with 
Michael Wigglesworth's jingling versification and barbaric 
images had little use for either sonorous music or lofty imag- 
inings clothed in John Milton's blank verse. In this respect 
the comment of Professor Tyler on Samuel Wigglesworth, the 
far more poetically endowed son of Michael, is suggestive. He 
tells us that while at college, about the year 1709, Samuel 
Wigglesworth wrote a few verses which alone suffice to show 
that he was endowed with a true poetic sense. Professor 
Tyler 2 then, however, suggestively adds that this son of 
Michael " soon became wrapped in the occupations of a coun- 
try-pastor," and his muse " was content to utter itself, during 
the subsequent fifty-nine years of its earth-life, in the com- 
monplaces of theologic talk." It was another case of smoth- 
i M. C. Tyler, History of American Literature, ii. 34, 35 ; 2 38. 

1909.] milton's impress on new England. 161 

ering environment, — the Massachusetts atmosphere of Cotton 
Mather and Sewall. Professor Tyler in like manner says of 
the Rev. John Adams, of Newport, that he was " an accom- 
plished, pious and pleasant gentleman in his time ; but in 
poetry he sounded no note that was not conventional and 
imitative." 1 

While, therefore, the footprints of Dryden, and yet more of 
Pope, can be distinctly traced in the sands of that arid 
New England waste, I have as yet been unable to find any indi- 
cation whatever of a poetic influence exercised by Milton to 
the extent of even an attempt at imitation. Nor do I find 
reference to any trace of the sort in Professor Tyler's work. 
The whole American rhythmic tendency seems to have been 
towards jingle and commonplace ; it was devoid equally of 
warmth, of smoothness, and of originality. So much for Mil- 
ton's influence on the literature of the period in question. 

As respects quotations, it is somewhat different. In my 
Tercentennial Introduction I questioned whether there was 
any reference to Milton, or quotation from his poems, to be 
found in the Magnalia. I find I was in error. My attention 
has been called to at least two, if not to three such. They are 
also highly characteristic of the Reverend Cotton Mather. 
They do show, however, that he knew to a certain extent, at 
least, his "Paradise Lost." The first quotation, though not 
in Milton's own words, occurs in Mather's tract entitled 
" Pietas in Patriam : the Life of His Excellency Sir William 
Phips, Knt." (London, 1697, p. 31) : 

They [New Englanders] found, that they were like to make no 
Weapons reach their Enswamped Adversaries, except Mr. Milton could 
have shown them how. 

To have pluckt up the Hills with all their Load, 
Rocks, Waters, Woods, and by their shaggy tops, 
Up-lifting, bore them in their hands, Therewith 
The Rebel Host to'v over-whelm'd — 

Paradise Lost, vi. 644-647. 2 

1 M. C. Tyler, History of American Literature, ii. 55. 

2 In Milton these lines read, 

They plucked the seated hills, with all their load 
Rocks, waters, woods, and, by their shaggy tops 
Uplifting, bore them in their hands. Amaze, 
Be sure, and terror, seized the rebel host. 


So it was thought that the English Subjects, in these Regions of 
America, might very properly take this occasion, to make an attempt 
upon the French, . . . 

This quotation in the same modified form is again found in 
the Life of Phips reproduced in the Magnalia (Hartford, 

The next quotation in the Magnalia (II. 557) is as follows: 

The English Interest in America must at last with bleeding lamen- 
tations cry out, 

Heu ! Patior Telis, Vulnera facta meis. 

For after this, the Auri sacra Fames, that " cursed hunger of 
lucre/' in the diverse nations of Europeans here, in diverse colonies 
bordering upon one another, soon furnished the salvages with tools to 
destroy those that furnish'd them : 

— Tools, pregnant with infernal flame, 
Which into hollow engines, long and round, 
Thick ramm'd at the other bore, with touch of fire 
Dilated and infuriate, doth send forth 
From far with thund'ring noise among their foes 
Such implements of mischief, as to dash 
To pieces and o'erwhelm whatever stands 
Adverse. — 

Paradise Lost, vi. 483-490. 1 

The third quotation is, however, much the most curious ; 
for in that Cotton Mather actually tries his hand at even 
more extensive adaptation. He, so to speak, identifies him- 
self with Milton, attuning him to trans-Atlantic conditions. 
The inspiring original is found in the " Paradise Lost" (VI. 
386-393) and the lines read as follows : 

And now, their mightiest quelled, the battle swerved, 
With many an inroad gored ; deformed rout 
Entered, and foul disorder ; all the ground 
With shivered armour strown, and on a heap 
Chariot and charioter lay overturned, 
And fiery foaming steeds ; what stood recoiled, 
O'er-wearied, through the faint Satanic host, 
Defensive scarce, or with pale fear surprised — 

1 Mather has to suit his purpose altered the wording in three particulars. 

1909.] milton's impress on new England. 163 

The Matherian adaptation (Magnalia, II. 568) to Massachu- 
setts conditions runs thus : 

And now their mightiest quell'd, the battel swerved, 
With many an inrode gor'd; deformed rout 
Enter'd, and foul disorder ; all the ground 
With shiver'd armour strown, and on a heap, 
Salvage and Sagamore lay overturn'd, 
And fiery, foaming blacks ; what stood, recoil'd, 
O'er wearied, and with panick fear surpris'd. 

But perhaps after these most thoroughly characteristic traces 
of Milton's influence on Cotton Mather, the most suggestive 
vindication, as respects poetic and literary conditions of time 
and place, is this specimen of Miltonic verse " Written in 
the Inimitable Paradise Lost," reproduced in the publica- 
tion entitled " Select Essays, With some few Miscellaneous 
Copies of Verses Drawn by Ingenious Hands. Printed (at 
Boston ?) in the year 1714 (pages 10, 11) : 

Written in the Inimitable Paradise Lost. 

^n Beat Milton in this Book has told us more, 

Than ever Man or Angel did before : 
His wondrous Vision do's Admiration claim 
From All who've hear'd the Trumpet of its Fame. 
Inspir'd he do's in mighty Numbers tell, } 
How the accurs'd Apostate Angels fell > 
Thro' dismal CHAOS headlong into Hell. ) 
His Daring Muse came down from Blest Abodes, 
To sing Great Battles of the Warring Gods. 

His Muse on fire with an Immortal Flight 
" Leads out the Warring Seraphims to fight. 
Of Love and War in high harmonious Lays 
He treats, and sings his great Creator's Praise* 
He tells how the ALMIGHTY did create 
Adam and Eve, and sings their happy State ; 
How plac'd in Eden, in those Blest Abodes, 
And were but little inferiour to f Gods : (f Angels) 

How Monarch Adam bef ore's unhappy Fall 
Triumphantly did Lord it over all, 
Made Happy and Immortal, Free from Harms, 
And crown 'd by Heaven, with the all-sacred Charms, 
Of his fair Consort Eve. 

Ten thousand Things, all inexpressible 
He sings besides, 
Which Milton's Self can only speak and tell. 


Passing from these instances, the next quotation from 
M Paradise Lost " (I. 34-48) to which my attention has been 
called is one in the issue of " The New-England Courant " 
of July 2, 1722. It begins, 

TV Infernal Spirit ; he it was whose guile 

and it is unnecessary to quote it in full. It is introduced with 
the remark, — " Hear how the lofty Milton sings of this in his 
own inimitable Strain." 

In the issue of the same paper for December 9, 1723, is 
found another quotation of about five lines from " Paradise 
Lost" (VIII. 54-58). 

Another quotation of three and one-half lines (X. 1073- 
1076) is found in "The New-England Weekly Journal" of 
August 14, 1727 ; and in the next issue of that paper, August 
21, 1727, there is a copy of " VERSES. Written in Milton's 
Paradise Lost." This is a somewhat lengthy composition, to 
which the letter " L " is affixed. It was written by the Rev. 
Mather Byles, and is reprinted in the small volume entitled 
" Poems on Several Occasions," by Mr. Byles. (Boston, 1744, 
pp. 25-34). 

Further allusions to Milton are to be found in the Weekly 
Journal issues of October 9, 1727, and December 30, 1728 ; 
and in the issue of February 5, 1733, is a quotation of twelve 
lines from "Paradise Lost" (IV. 750-761), headed " On Love 
and Marriage"; — the familiar passage beginning " Hail 
wedded Love." 

A quotation of seven lines from " Paradise Lost " (VIII. 
100-106) appears on the titlepage of u The New-England 
Diary: Or, Almanack For the Year of our Lord Christ, 
1735. ... By a Native of New-England," Nathan Bowen, 
" printed by T. Fleet, Boston, in New-England." And Na- 
thaniel Ames introduced his " Almanack " for 1744 with the 
following address to the " Courteous Reader" : 

You have often heard of the Advantages, Temporal and Spiritual 
that arise from Temperance : And if you take Notice of that divine 
Poem, writ by the best of English Poets, i. e. Milton's Paradise 
Lost, after Adam's Vision of Diseases, a dreadful Scene ! The Angel 
tells him that Abstinence was the sole Method of Escape from the ruin- 
ous Assault of those Diseases, and of obtaining long Life. 


In the same year, 1744, two allusions to Milton are found 
in " The American Magazine " ; the first (I. 258) in some 
verses entitled " An Epistle from Cambridge," 

Nor tow'ring Milton's lofty flights, 

and the second (I. 341), 

Prink Milton's true Sublime, with Swift's true Wit 

in a composition entitled " The Art of Preaching, in Imita- 
tion of Horace's Art of Poetry." 

In the same publication for the following year there is (II. 
239-244) " An Account of the LIFE of Mr. John Milton " ; 
and, in 1746, Nathaniel Ames prepared his calendar for March 
in the almanac for that year, with another quotation from 
"Paradise Lost" (II. 496-501). 

A quotation of three lines (VIII. 484, 488, 489) appears 
on the titlepage of " The Antigonian and Bostonian Beauties ; 
A Poem," by W. S. A. B., which bears the imprint " Boston : 
Printed and Sold by D. Fowle in Queen-street." 

As respects Milton's prose writings, incidental references 
to them are to be found in Sewall's Diary (II. 13) and in 
the voluminous Mather publications. In his " Manuductio 
ad Ministerium " (Boston, 1726, p. 36), Mather says : 

... go dip into your Logic. But count it enough, if you have gone 
through a Milton, or a Gutherleth, or a Watts. . . . But for the Vul- 
gar Logic, I must freely say, you lose Time, if you steer any otherwise 
in it, than, Touch and Go. 

The reference is undoubtedly to Milton's treatise entitled 
" Artis Logicse Plenior Institutio " (London, 1672), the copy 
of which, still in the Prince Library, with the signature 
" T. Prince. 1704. Cantab, l! 6 d silver." belonged to Prince 
while a student at Harvard. There is also a copy in the 
Harvard University Library, bearing the inscription " Simon 
Bradstreet's Book 1724." As Bradstreet was graduated in 
the Class of 1728, he was, at the time noted, a student. 

I have referred to a small publication which appeared from 
the Boston press in 1744, entitled " A Collection of Poems. 
By several Hands." A copy of it, given to us by the late 
Charles Deane, is in the Library of this Society. Of it 
Professor Tyler says : 


Being the product of a literary combination, it was doubtless looked 
upon at the time as a work representative of the poetic taste and skill 
then attained in the land ; and it has since been described as a land- 
mark of literary progress up to that date. If it had such significance, 
the indications are rather depressing ; they report little more than 
weak reverberations of the imagery and syllables of Alexander 
Pope. 1 

In one of the versified compositions — for I cannot bring 
myself to call them poems — in this most suggestive volume, 
is the following allusion to Milton, as respects rhyme highly 
characteristic of the period which followed Dryden and pre- 
ceded Pope, 

May Milton's force and Dryden's smoothness join 
With mingled lustre on your Isle to shine (p. 6). 

The passage in which these lines occur is quoted also in the 
Weekly Journal of October 9, 1727. 

Thus much as respects allusions to Milton and quotations 
from his writings, more especially the " Paradise Lost," found 
in our literature during the early Provincial period. They 
are scattered through the publications of that period, .at long 
intervals and in various connections. Though it was read 
evidently, and more or less appreciated, there is nothing to 
indicate any general familiarity with the poetry of Milton. 
Not until the following, or nineteenth, century did it come, 
so to speak, to its own. Then, at last, the " Paradise Lost " 
became the Massachusetts classic, supplanting and quite dis- 
placing Wiggles worth's " Day of Doom " as such. 

Coming now to individual copies of a Paradise Lost," I 
have been unable to discover a single, well-authenticated case 
of one now in existence, which also occupied a place on a 
Massachusetts bookshelf prior to 1767. That such existed, I 
know. There was one case in my own family, — the case re- 
ferred to by John Quincy Adams, in the quotation I have 
given from his diary in the note to the Tercentenary publica- 
tion in our last Serial. This copy in two small volumes stood, 
he says, in the closet of his mother's bed-chamber about the 
year 1778. John Adams, we know, had a copy which he read 
with much enthusiasm at Worcester in 1756. What became 

1 M. C. Tyler, History of American Literature, ii. 55. 


of this copy, which not improbably was the one John Quincy 
Adams remembered in the closet of his mother's bedroom, I 
have been unable to ascertain. It is not now in the accumu- 
lation at Quincy, nor in the John Adams library. There was 
a copy of Milton's Poetical Works, in two volumes, of a very 
handsome edition (1720) given to Harvard College Library in 
the early part of the century. The volume containing " Para- 
dise Lost " was destroyed in the fire of 1764. The other 
volume, apparently borrowed at the time of the fire, escaped 
destruction. It is now one of the most precious possessions 
of the Harvard College Library. 1 As to the possession of 
copies of Milton's poems in New England, Mr. M. J. Canavan 
writes me, " On the other hand there is no book by Milton 
in Increase Mather's catalogue of his library in 1664. Noth- 
ing by Milton in the Catalogue of some 1400 books of Rev. 
Samuel Lee (of Bristol, R. I.) in 1693." It is interesting that 
Cotton Mather writes of Lee in the Magnalia (I. 602) that 
" hardly ever a more universally learned person trod the 
American strand." I have also caused inquiries to be made 
among the Loyalist families in New Brunswick and Nova 
Scotia, but without result. No trace of any copy of " Para- 
dise Lost " is there to be found, except one of an edition of 
1711, which may or may not have been brought to this coun- 

1 Mr. William C. Lane, Librarian of Harvard University, writes me, under 
date of February 25, 1909, as follows concerning the copies of Milton's writings 
in possession of Harvard College during the period in question : 

" Before 1764, the Library had a copy of Milton's Poetical Works, London, 
1720, two volumes, quarto, and of this copy one volume survives to the present 
day. It had, also, several volumes of the prose writings, and it is possible that a 
copy of the fourth edition of ' Paradise Lost/ 1688, given to us by the younger 
Thomas Hollis, »was received before 1764 ; but it is more likely that this and 
other editions of Milton which we still have were received after the fire and be- 
fore 1774. Before 1774, Hollis had sent us, beside several volumes of prose, 
Poetical Works, 1695, folios ; ' Paradise Lost,' 1674 ; an Italian translation of 
' Paradise Lost,' 1742 ; a French translation, 1743 ; and a Latin translation, 
1686; beside the fourth edition of 'Paradise Lost,' 1688, mentioned above. 
Hollis also sent us at about the same time two copies of Bishop Pearce's ' Review 
of the Text of Paradise Lost,' London, 1733. 

" In a brief catalogue of the Library, printed in 1773, ' frequentiorem in usum 
Harvardinatum,' is found the entry 'Milton (John) all his Works.' In the 
printed catalogue of 1790 are found the titles mentioned above, and in addition 
a French translation of ' Paradise Lost,' printed in Paris in 1792, presented by 
John Quincy Adams in 1797, and Bentley's edition, London, 1732, presented by 
the Province of New Hampshire soon after the fire, beside other copies of prose 


try before the eastward Tory migration of 1775. I thought 
there might be a copy among the inherited books of the Quincy 
family. Search, however, has failed to reveal it. 

Under these circumstances, I have been forced to the con- 
clusion that, while many copies of " Paradise Lost " had un- 
questionably been imported into New England prior to 1767, 
and were read and the poem greatly admired by certain of 
the more educated, yet, as respects poetic impulse, there is no 
evidence of any, even the slightest, Massachusetts response to 
the one great Puritan poet. So far as America was concerned, 
during the century succeeding the publication of his epic, the 
seed cast by him fell, as I have said, on stony places and by 
the roadside ; nor did it bear perceptible fruit until after the 
dawn of the nineteenth century. The " Paradise Lost" then 
became not only an inmate of every educated household, but a 
text-book in our schools. 

The earliest American reprint of the " Paradise Lost " was 
that by Robert Bell, brought out in Philadelphia in 1777, the 
year of the British occupation, as part of a two-volume edition 
of the " Poetical Works," to which was prefixed a Life by 
Thomas Newton. The Newton edition was reprinted, in two 
volumes bound in one, for William Young and Joseph James, 
Chestnut Street, in 1788 ; and it was again reprinted, still in 
two volumes bound in one, " by W. Woodhouse at the Bible, 
No. 6, South Front-street " in 1791. The same year Henry 
Taylor, also of Philadelphia, brought out, separately, the " Par- 
adise Regain'd," together with " poems on several occasions." 
It was not, however, until 1794 that a New England reprint 
appeared. The Newton text was then brought out in one 
volume, duodecimo, u Printed at Springfield, Massachusetts, 
by James R. Hutchins, for Ebenezer Larkin, Cornhill, and 
E. & S. Larkin, State-street, Boston," and again in 1796, 
" Boston, Printed by J. Bumstead, for E. Larkin." After the 
year 1800 the reprints followed each other in quick succes- 
sion, and it would be superfluous to try to specify them in the 
present connection. 

It is none the less interesting and suggestive to note that 
both in Philadelphia and in New England, in answer to a 
probable demand, the publication of other and theological 
writings of Milton preceded that of his poetical works. The 
first was " An old Looking-Glass for the Laity and Clergy of 


all denominations, Who either give or receive Money under 
Pretence of the Gospel : being Considerations touching The 
likeliest Means to remove Hirelings out of the Church of 
Christ " ; with life of Milton. Philadelphia, printed for Robert 
Bell, and sold by J. Cruikshank, and I. Collins, Printers in 
Third-Street, 1770 (pp. x, 74, 12mo). And this one of Milton's 
prose works was reprinted (100 pp. 16mo) in New Haven, 
by Thomas & Samuel Green in 1774, Other editions of the 
prose works appeared from time to time after 1800 ; and 
the complete writings were finally published in this coun- 
try in 1853, only two years after their appearance in 

This paper has already far exceeded the length originally 
intended ; but, in the course of my researches in connection 
with it, I accidentally came across one matter of historical 
interest indicating a curious and somewhat close connection 
between John Milton and certain personages conspicuously 
associated with Massachusetts history. An intimacy seems 
to have existed between him and Roger Williams ; for it is 
stated in Romeo Elton's Life of Williams that, while in Lon- 
don in 1652 and 1653, he passed his hours of leisure " with a 
kindred spirit, . . . Milton — to whom he refers in his subse- 
quent correspondence" (p. 109); and in a letter to John 
Winthrop of Connecticut, dated at Providence, July 12, 1654, 
Williams writes, " The secretary of the council Mr. Milton, 
for my Dutch I read him, read me many more languages" 
(p. 114). 

John Winthrop, Jr., it will also be remembered, married 
Elizabeth, the daughter of Edmund Reade, and step-daughter 
of the famous Hugh Peter, he having married Reade's widow. 
A close connection, therefore, existed between Peter and 
Winthrop, and Peter seems to have been associated in a way 
with Milton. In his "History of New England" (I. 586) 
Dr. Palfrey writes, " Hugh Peter and Thomas Welde, sent 
over by Massachusetts to look after its affairs, both rose to 
influence with Cromwell, and the former, as his chaplain, 
walked by the Protector's Secretary, John Milton, at his 
funeral." The order of Cromwell's funeral is given by 
Thomas Burton in his Diary (II. 524). It there appears that 
one of the files or ranks at the funeral comprised " Chaplains 
at Whitehall, Mr. White, Mr. Sterry, Mr. Hooke, Mr. Howe, 



Mr. Lockyer, Mr. Peters," and the rank almost immediately 
following consisted of " Secretaries of the French and Latin 
tongues, Mr. Dradon, Mr. Marvel, 1 Mr. S terry, Mr. John Milton, 
Mr. Hartlibbe, Sen." 

Remarks were made during the meeting by the President, 
John D. Long, Grenville H. Norcross, Andrew McFar- 
land Davis, James F. Hunnewell, Barrett Wendell, 
George L. Kittredge, and Mooreield Storey. 

1 This Marvel was Andrew Marvell, another poet, who served as assistant to 
Milton as Latin Secretary to the Protector. 

In his study on " Milton and Vondel : A Curiosity of Literature," published in 
1885, George Edmundson speaks of the little appreciation given to Milton's " Para- 
dise Lost " for some time after its publication, and the active controversy over its 
originality in the eighteenth century, in which even forgeries were prepared to 
prove him a plagiarist. Deprecating a hostile attack upon Milton's genius, he 
uses the circumstances of the Roger Williams incident (see p. 169) to prove that 
Milton was familiar with the Dutch tongue, indicates the reasons for believing 
that Milton may have studied the writings of Vondel, and passes " to the actual 
proofs from internal evidence that he must have done so." The inquiry possesses 
interest in our connection only because of the instrumentality of Williams. The 
arguments of Mr. Edmundson were examined by Edmund Gosse and J. R. 
Macllraith in the London "Academy," xxviii, 265, 293, 308, 342; and anony- 
mously in the London " Athenaeum," 1885, ii, 599, and the u Nation" (New York), 
xlii, 264. My attention was called to Mr. Edmundson's essay by Mr. M. J. 
Canavan, of Boston. 



The stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 11th in- 
stant, at three o'clock, P. M. ; the senior Vice-President, 
Samuel A. Green, in the chair. 

The record of the February meeting was read and approved. 

The Librarian read the list of donors to the Library, and 
reported the gift by the President of twelve interleaved alma- 
nacs, 1738-1784, ten of which had belonged to and had been 
annotated by Rev. William Smith, pastor of Weymouth, 1734- 
1783, the father of Abigail the wife of John Adams. Extracts 
will be printed in the Proceedings. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that Worthington 
C. Ford had accepted his election as a Resident Member, and 
Lyon Gardiner Tyler, of Williamsburg, Virgini? his election 
as a Corresponding Member. 

The senior Vice-Pbesident reported the appointment by 
the Council of the following Committees, in preparation for 
the Annual Meeting in April : 

To nominate Officers for the ensuing year, 

Messrs. Nathaniel Paine, Morton Dexter, and James F. 

To examine the Treasurer's accounts, 

Messrs. S. Lothrop Thorndike and Thomas Minns. 

To examine the Library and Cabinet, 

Messrs. Lindsay Swift, Edward H. Clement, and Fred- 
eric Winthrop. 

Mr. Rhodes, referring to the new issue of postage stamps 
by the United States Post Office, announced a gift of a set 
of die proofs which he had received from the President, 
Mr. Adams, now in Washington, and of which he wrote : 

The " set of die proofs " of the issue of stamps is a unique posses- 
sion, which the Society owes to the courtesy of Mr. Meyer. This set 
comes to the Society by special favor, and, as a rarity, is of great 
value. So far as Mr. Dalton and his instrumentality in securing the 
change and recurrence to the old historic system of stamps are con- 


cerned, this material and the Postmaster- General's letter make the 
record in our Proceedings complete and unique. It has a very consid- 
erable interest historically. 

Mr. Rhodes then read the following letter written while 
Mr. Meyer was Postmaster-General : 

Office of the Postmaster General, 

Washington, D. C, February 26, 1909. 

My dear Mr. Adams, — I am enclosing you herewith a set of die 
proofs of the new issue of postage stamps including the Lincoln Com- 
memorative Stamp. 

The simplicity of design and artistic qualities are due primarily to a 
pamphlet hy Charles H. Dalton (called to my attention by the author), 
in which certain suggestions are made together with an account of the 
Houdon statue of Washington. For reasons therein mentioned I con- 
fined the busts to the head of Washington, with the exception of the 
one-cent stamp, representing Franklin, also from a Houdon statue. 

The exclusive use of the heads of Franklin and Washington (the 
first Postmaster- General of this country and the first President of the 
United States) is not a new departure, but simply a return to the origi- 
nal practice of the Department in 1847. On the new stamps all un- 
necessary lettering has been eliminated. 

The same policy was carried out by me in the case of the stamped 
envelopes, the one-cent presenting the head of Franklin and the others 
that of Washington. I enclose a specimen of each. 

As the Department is indebted to the late Charles H. Dalton, of 
Boston, for the admirable suggestions which were adopted, I am very 
glad to fulfil your wish by sending a set of the die proofs of these 
stamps for the Massachusetts Historical Society. Faithfully yours, 

George v. L. Meyer. 

The vote which follows was reported from the Council and 
was passed unanimously : 

The Massachusetts Historical Society had its attention called to the 
chaotic and inartistic condition of our postage stamps, at its January 
meeting of 1906, by an interesting paper from Charles H. Dalton. 1 
Mr. Dalton recommended the adoption of the Houdon head of Wash- 
ington on all of the stamps except the one-cent stamp, which should 
bear the head of Franklin. The Postmaster-General has issued new 
series with the Houdon head on all the denominations except the one- 
cent and the ten-cent special delivery stamps ; the one-cent stamp has 

1 2 Proceedings, xx. 6-12. 


the Houdon Franklin head. The different denominations which bear 
the Washington head are distinguished by different colors, and those 
colors are well selected and satisfying- to the eye. The result is a really 
beautiful series of stamps. 

The Massachusetts Historical Society desires therefore to thank the 
former Postmaster- General, George v. L. Meyer, for his good judgment 
and artistic selection. 

Mr. Norcross, for the Committee on the subject of re- 
naming streets and squares, described the Act passed by the 
General Court and signed by Governor Draper on March 2. 

Dr. Everett, in connection with the names of Boston 
streets, called attention to the great want of taste, to use no 
harsher name, which has been displayed in naming the Boston 
Grammar Schools. At the present moment the hysterical 
adoration of Mr. Lincoln's memory which is sweeping over the 
country has led to a proposal to give up the names of Win- 
throp and Brimmer, substituting for both the name " Abraham 
Lincoln," though there is already a Lincoln school. To do 
away with the name of Winthrop, the greatest American of 
the years preceding the Revolution, is in violation of all pro- 
priety and gratitude. That name as given to a school super- 
seded that of Johnson, which recalled the single romantic in- 
cident in the founding of the Bay Colony, and ought never to 
be itself superseded. 

Several of the school names, however we may respect the 
individuals for whom they are named, are in the worst possible 
taste; those, namely, with the middle initial, — John A. An- 
drew, Thomas N. Hart, Henry L. Pierce, William E. Russell. 
Names like Charles Sumner, Phillips Brooks, and Washington 
Allston are not quite so bad ; but the simple surname would 
be in every respect more graceful. It is just possible that such 
a course would lead to uncertainty ; thus, it might be doubtful 
if a Sumner School in East Boston were commemorative of 
Senator Charles Sumner or of General William H. Sumner. 
But what harm would there be in using a name in the form 
to commemorate two public men who have both deserved well 
of Boston ? 

Some schools, the Agassiz and Russell for instance, have 
been named for men who had no connection with Boston at 
all. It is most appropriate that their names should be attached 


to schools in Cambridge, but not in Boston, one result being 
that the name of Otis, honorable alike in national and munici- 
pal history, has disappeared. Some remonstrance against this 
chaotic nomenclature might well proceed from the Society. 

Dr. Everett called attention to some inaccuracies, not easy 
to excuse, in prominent writers. He recalled to the members 
a paper which he had presented some years ago on the Last 
Royal Veto 1 — afterwards expanded in the Atlantic Monthly. 
He showed there that while most historians left the veto unmen- 
tioned, the few who did mention it assigned it to 1707. The real 
date is March, 1707-8, which the new style, universal in modern 
histories, will call 1708. Yet the late lamented Professor Mait- 
land, in his history of the English Constitution, repeats the old 
error ; he appears never to have looked up the facts. 

The same writer, in speaking of the Usurpation of the 
House of Lancaster, says the " Earl of York " was on friendly 
terms with Henry V. This is Shakespeare's " Edward, the 
Duke of York." If an American writer had made such a blun- 
der, English revisers would have been unsparing of their sneers. 

Dr. S. Weir Mitchell, as is well known, is engaged in pub- 
lishing a series of novels. Just as Christopher North re- 
marked on the iEneid, that one takes but little account of its 
hero, since its real interest is in the heroine, namely, the 
Eternal City herself, so Dr. Mitchell, who fancies he is writing 
about Washington and Jefferson and a pair of lovers, really has 
for his heroine the City of Philadelphia, dwelling as he does 
with intense affection on Willings, Whartons, Cadwaladers, and 
Chews. In the " Red City," which describes events in Wash- 
ington's second term (1793-1797), he alludes to the lottery 
raised for the benefit of Princeton College, and makes one of 
his characters say that the Middle States ought to follow the 
example of Massachusetts, where lotteries are forbidden. Lot- 
teries were not forbidden by law in this State till 1821, when 
the Hon. Peter C. Brooks exposed their pernicious effect. In 
the beginning of the nineteenth century several of the Harvard 
College buildings were erected by means of a lottery. 

The senior Vice-President said : 

I would remind the members that now it is just ten years 
since the Society has occupied the present building. The first 

1 2 Proceedings, v. 156-163. 

1909.] PROVINCIAL STAMPS OF 1755. 175 

meeting held here took place in March, 1899 ; and during 
this period of time practically one half of the present member- 
ship has been chosen, or, to be exact, forty-eight out of ninety- 
nine members. It follows that one half of the Society to-day 
has no close connection with the former building in Tremont 
Street and has no associations with the old Dowse room. 

It was formerly the custom of a few of the members, who 
were generally spoken of as " The Saints," to meet around the 
Dowse table near midday and talk over historical matters, at 
the same time discussing whatever was uppermost in their 
minds. In this group Mr. Winthrop was easily first in leading 
the informal conversation ; and Dr. Ellis usually was present, 
together with Mr. Frothingham, Dr. Robbins, Mr. Deane, Mr. 
T. C. Amory, Dr. Shurtleff, Mr. Sabine, and others. A lofty 
staircase of two flights led up to the story where the main 
library and the Dowse room were situated. It required a man 
with a strong heart to reach the top without being blown. 

I remember on one occasion when Dr. Holmes came puffing 
into the room, he suggested that the name of the Society be 
changed to the " High-story-cal." In making the ascent of 
the stairway I have counted the iron steps so often that their 
number, forty-nine, is now fixed indelibly in my memory. The 
building was in process of erection at the time of the great fire 
in November, 1872 ; and of the members who before that date 
came to the still older rooms on the same site, only six are now 

Mr. Norcross exhibited two deeds of land in the towns of 
Bedford and Carlisle, dated in July and August, 1755, bearing 
" impressed " stamps of the value of fourpence and twopence 
required under " An Act for granting to his Majesty several 
duties upon vellum, parchment and paper, for two years, 
towards defraying the charges of this Government," 1 passed 
January 8, 1755. This Act provides, beside other things, for 
a duty on every piece of vellum or parchment, sheet or piece 
of paper, " on which any deed or mortgage of any real estate, 
the consideration whereof shall be twenty pounds or more, 
shall be engrossed or written, fourpence" ; and when the con- 
sideration shall be less than twenty pounds, twopence. 

1 Acts and Resolves of the Province of Massachusetts Bay (Boston, 1878), 
iii. 793-796. 


On March 14, 1755, Governor Shirley issued his proclama- 
tion publishing " s d Marks & Stamps." The device of the 
fourpence stamp is described as "a Schooner under Sail," with 
the motto in the ring round it, " Steady, steady " ; of the two- 
pence as ' 4 a Cod Fish," with the motto " Staple of the Massa- 
chusetts"; of the threepence as "a Pine-Tree," with the 
motto " Province of the Massachusetts " ; and of a halfpenny 
as " a Bird," with the words " Half Penny." * These deeds 
belong to the Bedford Free Public Library. 

Mr. Stanwood read the following paper: 

A Forgotten Incident of the State Rights Controversy. 

The contest over the question of State rights was waged 
long and fiercely in the years before the Civil War. Great 
issues sometimes, trivial matters often, were the objects of 
controversy. Those who upheld the doctrine of the sover- 
eignty of the States and the incompetence of the general 
government to go one step beyond the point allowed by the 
strictest construction of the " federal " — never the " national " 
— Constitution, were ever on the alert to discern and to rebuke 

A case of their extraordinary sensitiveness which I fancy 
has been entirely forgotten, which certainly is not mentioned 
in any work on American political history with which I am 
familiar, may interest or at least amuse the members of the 
Society a few moments. I came across it in the course of a 
study of the apportionments of representatives among the 
several States, from the beginning of the government under 
the Constitution down to the present time. 

Every one knows that the Constitution directs Congress to 
apportion representatives to the respective States in proportion 
to their population, and leaves to each State the privilege of 
regulating the times, places, and manner of their election. But 
it gives to Congress the right " to make or alter such regula- 
tions." In the early times there was not the least uniformity 
of election in any particular. Elections were held on many 
different days ; sometimes the election lasted two or three days. 
In some States the viva voce system prevailed, in others the 
ballot. Some of the States were divided into single districts; 

1 Acts and Resolves, Massachusetts Bay (Boston, 1878), iii. 834. 


others had single, double, and triple districts, in one case a 
district electing four members ; still others elected all their 
members by a general ticket. Prior to the year 1842 Congress 
had never made or altered any regulation regarding the elec- 
tion of representatives, and whatever approach to uniformity 
had been made — very little, indeed — was merely the result 
of imitation and was dictated by no other motive than the con- 
venience of a change of system. 

It may or may not be within the knowledge of Americans 
generally that a corresponding liberty to the States to appoint 
the electors of President and Vice-President, originally result- 
ing in a like diversity of system, gradually produced something 
very near to uniformity. When Madison was elected the 
first time in 1808, the Constitution then having been in force 
nearly twenty years, and five previous elections having been 
held, electors were chosen by the legislatures in seven States, 
by popular vote on general ticket in five, by popular vote in 
single districts in four, and by popular vote in two districts, 
each choosing four electors, in one. The demand of the peo- 
ple for the right to choose them directly steadily increased the 
number of States granting the choice by popular vote until in 
1836 South Carolina alone made the appointment by the legis- 
lature. That State did not change its system until after the 
Civil War. 

The adoption of the general ticket system proceeded at the 
same time, but did not become general until four years later, 
in 1840.- In 1832 four of the States chose their electors by 
districts. New York gave twenty votes to Jackson and six- 
teen to Adams. The controlling reason for abandoning the 
district system need hardly be stated. Although New York 
gave a popular majority to Jackson, and its total vote was 
almost one fourth of the vote of the whole country, it gave but 
four effective electoral votes to Jackson out of a total of 261. 
At the next election it gave Jackson 42 votes on a popular 
majority of less than fourteen thousand. 

It is easy to see that such a lesson as that would not be lost 
upon the hot partisans of the time when they came to consider 
the matter of electing representatives in Congress. A closely 
divided State might have but one or two effective votes in the 
organization of the House and in legislation upon the burn- 
ing questions of the tariff, or internal improvements, or the 



Bank, or the public land revenues. On the other hand, by adopt- 
ing the general ticket system they might send a unanimous 
delegation to Washington. It is not surprising therefore to find 
that in Van Buren's time some of the States deliberately aban- 
doned the district system, and the matter of doing the same 
thing was agitated and proposed in other States — some of 
them large States which would thus acquire undue and pre- 
ponderating influence in one branch of Congress. 

This was the situation in 1842, when Congress was to make 
a new apportionment under the Census of 1840. It was the 
first year of Tyler's administration, and the Whigs were in 
power. A section was put in the apportionment bill requiring 
that in every State entitled to more than one member election 
should be by single districts. This provision excited the most 
earnest, even violent, opposition, and the debates upon it in 
both Houses were long and angry. Every conceivable objec- 
tion was made to it. Some States wished to be exempted 
from the operation of the clause so far as the next — the 
twenty-eighth — Congress was concerned, on the ground that 
the time of election was so near that it would be impossible to 
obey it without an extra session of the legislature. But they 
were all Democratic States, and the Whigs, warned by Dem- 
ocratic threats that they would repeal the section at the first 
opportunity, refused to exempt them and thus make easier the 
election of a Democratic House. 

It was objected that the proposed law was not a regulation 
of the " times, places or manner " of the election and therefore 
was not within the power of Congress. Or — for this radical 
objection was not made by all the opponents — if it was appar- 
ently sanctioned by the Constitution, that instrument clearly 
intended that the States should make the regulations, and that 
Congress should " make " them only when the States, or any 
State, failed to do so, and should "alter " them only when the 
States made improper, unjust, or unfair regulations ; as, for 
example, if they were to require that all elections in a State 
should be held within a single county. 

One of the senators went so far as to maintain that the sec- 
tion was unconstitutional for this reason : that the representa- 
tives of a State were allotted to the State as a whole, and that 
therefore all the people of the State had a right to a voice in 
the election of all. He maintained, accordingly, that it was 


an unconstitutional trespass upon the rights of the people 
when any State legislature adopted the district system, and 
restricted the right of individual citizens to a participation in 
the choice of one representative only. Although it was pointed 
out that Virginia was districted for the election of members 
to the first Congress, and that Washington and Madison, who 
were members of the Convention of 1787, probably knew 
something about the Constitution, the view of this senator 
found some support in both branches of Congress. 

Among others who most strenuously opposed the section 
were two senators of very different mould and political charac- 
ter, — Silas Wright, of New York, and Levi Woodbury, of 
New Hampshire. New York was entitled to forty mem- 
bers, who were chosen in thirty-three districts. New York 
City formed one district and chose four members, and there 
were four other double districts. A great stand was made 
upon a proposed amendment that it should not be required in 
any State that a city or county should be divided. But this, 
also, was voted down by the Whig majority. The twelve 
members elected in the double and quadruple districts of New 
York were ten Democrats and two Whigs. Then Mr. Wright 
put to the advocates of the section this poser. If you pass this 
measure and any State refuses to be bound by it, what will you 
do ? The Constitution says you may make or alter these regu- 
lations. But you are not making a regulation. You are merely 
commanding the States to make a regulation. You may com- 
mand, but you cannot compel, the States to obey. Any power 
which Congress has, it has the power to enforce. How will 
you enforce this ? Will you send an army into a State and 
compel the governor to summon the legislature, and then will 
you force the legislature to pass a districting law ? If you 
have the power to require members to be elected by single 
districts, — and Mr. Wright conceded the power, — you must 
carry out your purpose to the end and establish the districts. 
Suppose, then, a State refuses to obey your command to take 
action under this section; suppose that it continues to hold its 
elections by general ticket; and suppose that the members 
so chosen present themselves in the Hall of the House of 
Representatives at the beginning of the next Congress. Will 
the House refuse to receive them ? Can it refuse ? Is not 
the sovereign State entitled to a specified number of mem- 


bers ? Will the House dare to send them back to their 
constituents ? 

Of course this is a mere paraphrase of Mr. Wright's speech, 
but it presents faithfully the points that he made. 

It is not necessary to report in detail the reply that was 
made to these points. Briefly, Mr. Wright was reminded that 
when Congress laid a direct tax, the authority to do which 
was found in the same clause of the Constitution as the pro- 
vision for apportionment of representatives, the States were 
commanded to do something and were obliged to obey. Also, 
that if any State were to refuse to comply with a regulation 
which Congress had a right to make, it would thereby sacrifice 
the privilege of representation — that it would be its own act, 
and not the act of Congress. But the Whig senators were 
evidently not altogether sure that members elected on general 
ticket would encounter a refusal to allow them to take the 

Senator Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, was a good 
example of a stiff, uncompromising Democrat. He served 
notice on the Senate that as he believed the section under 
discussion to be unconstitutional and an invasion of the rights 
of the States, he should advise the people and the legislature 
of New Hampshire to disregard and disobey it. He vaguely 
intimated that he should like to see the next House of Repre- 
sentatives daring to refuse admission to New Hampshire 
members elected on general ticket in accordance with New 
Hampshire law. But neither Mr. Wright's arguments nor 
Mr. Woodbury's threats had any effect upon the Whig ma- 
jority, and the apportionment bill contained the obnoxious 

Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Mary- 
land, and Alabama, of which three had previously elected by 
general ticket and three had multiple districts, all obeyed the 
law, and chose their members by single districts. New Hamp- 
shire, Georgia, Mississippi, and Missouri did not, but chose 
their representatives by general ticket. They returned 20 
Democrats and 2 Whigs. The House as a whole was made 
up of 140 Democrats and 69 Whigs. When the members met 
for the first time in December, 1843, for organization, objec- 
tion was made to the New Hampshire members as not having 
been duly elected. But the majority would not permit the 


objection to be effective. They refused to allow the member 
who raised the objection to read his formal protest, and when 
a motion was made that he be permitted to read it, they inter- 
posed the point that the clerk of the previous House, who 
was presiding, had no right to put a motion to vote. So the 
protest was unheeded, the members from the four States were 
sworn in as though they had been elected in accordance with 
law, and nothing more was heard of their case. Georgia 
adopted the district system for the election to the twenty- 
ninth Congress, but the other three States adhered to the 
general ticket. For the thirtieth Congress all four of the 
States conformed to the law. 

Mr. Clement communicated a paper as follows : 

A little paper written years ago by a lately deceased brother 
of mine 1 describing the rout of the battle of Bull Run as he 
saw it with the eyes of a boy and a boy's love of the marvel- 
lous seems to me to possess some value historically for the in- 
timate, unconscious picturing, along with it, of the state of the 
public mind on the eve of the so-called "great uprising." It 
seems to illustrate well the truth that the great Civil War, as a 
war, was really a surprise, — to the people of the North at 
least ; that the idea persisting up to the day of the battle of Bull 
Run at the back of the mind of everybody was that in some 
way the war-cloud would blow over, that the actual shock of 
contending armies and the pouring out of blood of citizens in 
civil war would be prevented or in some way avoided. The 
occasion of the trip to Washington, to carry dainties to a 
soldier brother, the occasion of the extension of the partly 
sight-seeing journey to the first battle-field of the great war, 
the commission from the horror-struck authorities at home to 
find and bring back from Virginia the body of the first Massa- 
chusetts soldier to fall, — all prove the nai'vete of the popular 
conceptions at that time of what it was to enter upon war. 
This Chelsea boy, 2 whose body my brother was bidden by the 
mayor of their native place to recover and send home at all 
costs, was but the first of the fated host of three hundred and 

1 Andrew J. Clement, First Sergeant, Company M, First Massachusetts Cav- 
alry, died at Morton, Pennsylvania, February 27, 1908. 

2 Philander Crowell, Company H, First Massachusetts Volunteers. 


sixty thousand young men about to die for their country in 
the ensuing four years. I remember distinctly the consterna- 
tion of the community when it was found that the Chelsea 
company of the First Massachusetts Infantry had been in the 
sharp action which was the first engagement in the approach- 
ing collision of the main armies, and that men had actually 
been shot and killed. The sickening realization was akin 
to that feeling my eldest brother 1 in that regiment had con- 
fessed to me when I was visiting him at the assembling and 
training camp at Readville and the new army wagons in their 
fresh blue paint and white canvas arrived on the scene in long 
array. " It looks as though we were really going," he remarked 

I find a pretty complete picture of the psychology of those 
bewildered and dreadful weeks and months in two speeches of 
Wendell Phillips in that series of wonderful orations in which 
he rode the storm seeking to direct it to great issues. Some 
of these speeches I had the fortune to hear. I have been look- 
ing up certain things I heard delivered in that deliberate utter- 
ance of his with its polished periods, precise and penetrating as 
rifle-shots, yet freighted with passion, white-hot with intense 
conviction. It is only necessary to compare these two speeches 
of Phillips's to show how men's minds tossed and turned and 
agonized in those days, — the minds of honest, independent, 
fearless, conscientious men, too. In a speech of April 9, 1861, 
at New Bedford, Wendell Phillips was in Cassandra vein. 
Besides many other epigrammatic deliverances to similar effect, 
he said : 

Inaugurate war, we know not where it will end ; we are in no con- 
dition to fight. The South is' poor ; we are rich. The poor man can 
do twice the injury to the rich man that the rich man can do to the 
poor. War will start up every man whose livelihood hangs upon trade, 
intensifying him into a compromiser. Those guns fired on Fort Sum- 
ter are only to frighten the North into a compromise. If the Adminis- 
tration provokes war it is a trick, — nothing else. It is the masterly 
cunning of that devil of compromise, the Secretary of State. He is 
not mad enough to let the States run into battle. He knows that the 
age of bullets is over. If a gun is fired in Southern waters it is fired 
at the wharves of New York, at the bank-vaults of Boston, at the 
money of the North. It is meant to alarm. It is policy, not sincerity. 

i William B. Clement, Company H, died at Chelsea, July 18, 1896. 


Thus in New Bedford, April 9 ; and no wonder that the local 
reporter records that the lecture was interrupted with frequent 
hisses. Twelve days later, on a Sunday, April 21, the same 
day that Fletcher Webster addressed an out-door meeting in 
State Street, speaking from the Old State House balcony, 
Phillips addressed an excited, crowded meeting in Music Hall. 
That day Phillips was the prophet militant. He began by 
saying that he gave this war a welcome '* hearty and hot." 
He would not recant or retract anything, he said ; he needed 
everything he had been saying to justify so momentous an evil 
as civil war. 

I rejoice before God to-day for every word that I have spoken coun- 
selling peace ; but I rejoice also with an especially profound gratitude, 
that now, the first time in my anti-slavery life, I speak under the stars 
and stripes, and welcome the tread of Massachusetts men marshalled 
for war. No matter what the past has been or said ; to-day the slave 
asks God for a sight of this banner, and counts it the pledge of his 
redemption. Hitherto it may have meant what you thought, or what I 
did; to-day it represents sovereignty and justice. The only mistake 
that I have made was in supposing Massachusetts wholly choked with 
cotton-dust and cankered with gold. The South thought her patience 
and generous willingness for peace were cowardice ; to-day shows the 
mistake. . . . 

All winter long I have acted with that party which cried for peace. 
The anti-slavery enterprise to which I belong started with peace written 
on its banner. We imagined that the age of bullets was over ; that the 
age of ideas had come ; . . . The South opened this [door to the 
solution] with cannon-shot, and Lincoln shows himself at the door. 
The war, then, is not aggressive, but in self-defence, and Washington 
has become the Thermopylae of Liberty and Justice. Rather than sur- 
render that Capital, cover every square foot of it with a living body ; 
crowd it with a million of men, and empty every bank vault at the 
North to pay the cost. 1 

This speech was surely worth thousands of men to the govern- 
ment, but such is the constitutional cowardice of professional 
managing politicians that those of that day thought it prudent, 
for the sake of winning over to loyalty the so-called War 
Democrats, to have the speech suppressed, and all the docile 
daily papers did suppress it. It was circulated to the number of 
a hundred thousand as a supplement extra of the weekly called 

i W. Phillips, Speeches (Boston, 1884), 396-400. 


" The Anglo-African." Even so late as October of that year 
the Republican State Convention, according to an exultant edi- 
torial of the " Boston Daily Advertiser," u certainly disavowed 
any intention of endorsing the fatal doctrines announced by 
Mr. Sumner in that convention," and also buried Rev. James 
Freeman Clarke's resolution in favor of freeing the slaves, as 
the esteemed contemporary of that day predicted, " never to 
rise again." By another year the Emancipation proclamation 
had issued, and three months later Massachusetts idealists 
speaking through Wendell Phillips could say : " A blundering 
and corrupt cabinet has made it at last an inevitable necessity, 
— Liberty or Death. The cowardice of Webster's followers in 
the cabinet has turned his empty rhetoric into solemn truth ; 
and now honest men are not only at liberty, but bound to live 
and die under his motto, — ( Liberty and Union, now and for- 
ever, one and inseparable.' " The country's baffling search to 
find its ground, its rising determination to yield thus far and 
no farther, the stand taken at last, the great defeat that first 
befell, the high idealism, the spirit of the hour, — all are seen 
in the brief, intimate account written for the family circle at 
home of the experiences and feelings of one representative 
Boston youth of twenty, soon after to be a full-fledged three 
years' man, a hero who rode in the First Massachusetts Cav- 
alry from Virginia to Florida and back again. 

" The First Massachusetts Infantry was the first regiment 
to leave the State for three years' service in the national 
cause ; and, indeed, is said to have been the first three years' 
regiment in the service of the United States." To the call 
from the War Department of Ma3 T 8, 1861, for volunteers for 
three years, " the First Regiment immediately and unani- 
mously responded," though the other regiments which had 
gone from the State were enlisted for three months only. The 
First left Boston on June 15, 1861, and reached Washington 
on the 18th, and the next day marched, with the temperature at 
90°, to a camp beyond Georgetown and was at once put under 
strictly military discipline, being there in the enemy's country. 
It was not till July 16 that the regiment marched into Virginia 
with three other regiments, and the next night bivouacked 
at Centreville. 

The battle of Blackburn's Ford, July 18, in which the 
Chelsea soldiers fell, was an affair of outposts, resulting from 

1909.] THE BULL-RUN MUSKET. 185 

General McDowell's purpose to " feel of the enemy." It was 
begun by shots from the Rebels posted in the woods border- 
ing Bull Run. Both sides were soon at work with artillery. 
Companies G and H of the First Regiment had advanced 
through a gully, or dry ravine, leading into Bull Run, until 
they found themselves exposed to a murderous fire from three 
different directions. For at least half an hour they remained 
in this position unable to advance or retreat. The New York 
Twelfth on their flank fell back, and a general retrograde 
movement soon followed, with a stand taken at Centreville. 
The only valuable result of the reconnoissance was the bring- 
ing under fire for the first time of some thousands of raw 
troops. Thirteen men of the First Regiment were killed, 
and as many more wounded and taken prisoners. Rev. War- 
ren H. Cudworth, chaplain of the regiment, published in 1866 
a very full and lively history of its operations. 

The Bull-Run Musket. 

A single dead soldier of the Union army was an object of intense 
public interest up to the date of the battle of Bull Run in July, 1861. 

There were two lads of us who left Boston to visit our brothers — 
both of whom were in the army and in the same company. We 
expected to find the Army at Washington ; and we each carried a box 
of dainties to delight our brothers with. On reaching Washington, we 
were sorely disappointed to find that the army had started on its march 
to Richmond ; and that no civilians were allowed to follow — not even 
to cross the Potomac into Virginia. So there was nothing to do but 
see the sights in Washington and return to our homes. But we had 
been there only two days when the news came of a fight or skirmish on 
July 18 th at Blackburn's Ford, where several were killed, and one of 
the dead was the brother of my companion. It was a terrible blow to 
my friend, and a great shock for me. 

We immediately telegraphed home, and at once came the reply " Get 
the body, if you can, and send it home." Well, we two lads went to 
the War Department and I suppose our sorrowful tale moved them 
with compassion, for they gave each of us a pass to go to the front to 
get the body of the dead soldier. I've got that pass stowed away now, 
among my papers, as a War curiosity. It reads, 

Allow the bearer, Mr. Andrew J. Clement, to pass the lines and go to the 
Front for the body of a friend. 

Drake De Kay 

A id de Camp. 


Later in the war, the death of a soldier was of too little importance 
to awaken such sympathy at Headquarters. Indeed, two days later, 
there were thousands killed within two miles of the spot where those 
killed in this skirmish were buried. After much difficulty, we hired a 
light wagon in which my friend rode, while I got a seat in an army 
wagon that was taking out supplies. It was just midnight on Saturday 
July 20 th when we started from Willard's Hotel on Pennsylvania 
Avenue. There was a full moon, and the night was lovely. I was all 
excitement. I was going to join the army. I should see my brother, 
and perhaps I should see the big battle everybody was talking about as 
soon to be fought. 

Well, I saw all that I expected to see and a good deal more. As the 
horses toiled painfully all that night over the rough and hilly roads. 
I little thought that on the very next night I should be more painfully 
trudging back over that very route footsore and weary, a gun on my 
shoulder — and ready to fight if the victorious enemy came up with us. 
Yet such was the case, and the gun in the hall is the one that I carried 
to Washington after the battle of Bull Run, July 21 st , 1861. 

Of course the ride that beautiful night was too exciting for sleep. 
It was just after daybreak, when we were taking a hasty breakfast at 
a small tavern, that we heard the first boom of a heavy gun. This was 
the gun that opened the great battle of Bull Run. We were yet six 
miles away from the army — and all were impatient to reach our 
destination. The horses were kept at their best working pace, and 
when we had gone three miles we met troops marching towards us, 
These were certain regiments that would n't fight because the ninety 
days of their term of service had just expired. They looked thoroughly 
ashamed of themselves, and marched in great disorder. The officer 
with our wagon, and the soldier who drove it, both scoffed at them and 
called them sneaks and cowards ; and, cowards as they were, they 
did n't resent the insults. For myself, I felt as though they all deserved 
shooting when they got to Washington. 

An hour later we reached Centreville and looked down on the battle- 
field. Hastily finding where my friend's dead brother was buried, I 
left him to his mournful task of recovering the corpse while I went to 
find my own brother whom I yet hoped to meet alive. But it was n't 
an easy task. The line of battle was long ; and, in spite of my inqui- 
ries, I went wrong. I went to the right wing only to find that the regi- 
ment I sought was probably away off on the left wing. Nobody 
seemed able to give exact information, and everybody wanted to know 
what a boy in black clothes and a straw hat was doing on the battle- 
field. Once I went up and sat down in the rear of a battery of light 
artillery to watch the effect of the firing, and the Capt. drove me off 
with terrible oaths. But I went around a small farm house and crept 

1909.] THE BULL-RUN MUSKET. 187 

back again, and saw the grapeshot scatter the " rebs." And so I went 
on from point to point, staring and asking questions, and being stared 
at and questioned in return. At length I learned that the regiment I 
wanted was at the extreme left. So off I started, already weary from 
loss of sleep, excitement and tramping under the hot sun. 

Arriving at the left, I again was attracted by a battery in action, and 
it was while I stood entranced with excitement that my brother discovered 
me. His regiment was lying in the bush close by supporting this very 
battery. Never was a man more surprised than was he at that moment. 
He supposed I was at home in Boston. But, before he would talk, he 
made me go into the woods and lie down with the soldiers so as to be 
in less danger. And there I crawled around and shook hands with 
nearly a hundred men whom I had known all my life. Many were the 
questions I answered, and scores of messages were given me to take 
home to parents and friends. The boys seemed very sad — for a mem- 
ber had been killed in this company only three days before, and they 
expected to be actively fighting again at any moment. At length my 
brother insisted that I should go back to Centreville out of danger, and 
I started with a heavy heart. But secretly I resolved to try to go to 
Richmond with the army, for I felt sure it would only take a few days. 
Up to that time it seemed to be victory for us ; and I did n't believe it 
could possibly be otherwise. So I went back to Centreville. I was 
very hungry as well as tired. It was now past four o'clock in the 

I soon found a group of sick officers who were about to dine off of 
boiled beef close by the army wagon in which I had come from Wash- 
ington. They asked me to join them. I had just got fairly seated 
when the astounding news came that our army was defeated and was 
retreating. I did n't believe it ; but I rushed to the hilltop to see for 
myself. Down there on the plain, where I had been in the morning, 
there was certainly much dust and' confusion. Just then fresh troops, 
the reserves, started to go down, but even to my inexperienced eye 
it was plain that they went in bad order and went too late. It was 
there that I saw the general who wore two hats — one crushed over the 
other — and who was reported in newspaper accounts of the scene as 
being very drunk that day. He certainly appeared decidedly drunk at 
that moment. 

Wild with excitement, I rushed down hill too ; but long before I got 
where I had been a few hours before, I met the rush of panic stricken men 
coming pell-mell from the field. To resist this rush was impossible 
and worse than useless. Wagons driven at full speed came with the 
men. Shouted curses filled the air. Wagons broke down, and, cutting 
the harnesses, men mounted the horses and rode off toward Centreville. 
Muskets were thrown away and filled the road for a long distance. It 


was there that I picked up my gun, begged a pocket full of ammuni- 
tion, and resolved to do my share when the terrible Black Horse Cavalry 
reached us — for it was reported that they were coming at full speed. 
Ere long I reached Centreville again, and left the rush to look for my 
wagon. It had gone, long before, in the grand stampede for Wash- 
ington. That didn't worry me much then — I thought I would find my 
brother again ; and fight in company with the boys I grew up with. 
So I waited and waited at Centreville till the sun got low. I saw at 
length that it would be useless to try to find anybody. There were 
several roads ; and all were full of disorganized troops. 

But the first mad rush was over. All the army did not run. /did 
not run a step. It was nearly sunset when I left Centreville ; and, 
as I was terribly hungry, I stopped, after going about a mile, and joined 
two of N. Y. 69th regiment who were having a regular feast .out of a 
broken down and abandoned sutler's wagon. I remember that I ate 
a whole can of roast chicken and many sweet biscuits, and washed the 
whole down with some sherry wine drank from the bottle — my first 
experience in wine drinking. 

Much refreshed, I took up my musket and started for Washington 
with an oddly mixed crowd of gay militia uniforms representing parts 
of many regiments. Yet there were still behind us good, orderly, full 
regiments, that stayed in Centreville till after midnight and came into 
Washington late the next day in fine marching order. They did not 
run, and my brother's regiment was one of them. It was 10 p. m. 
when I reached Fairfax Court House. There I rested, sitting on a 
rail fence, as a motley crowd poured by, each squad saying that the 
Black Horse Cavalry was coming. So I clung to my musket, though 
my shoulders began to get a little sore. It was after midnight when I 
started again. The night was very dark, for heavy clouds obscured 
the moon. The road, very rough in itself, was now full of mate- 
rials thrown out of wagons. There were shovels, pickaxes, boxes, 
barrels, iron mess-kettles, muskets, knapsacks, and all sorts of litter 
that soldiers could throw away, and over these and the loose stones of 
the rough road we stumbled in the dark, amid choking dust, and up 
and down the long rolling hills that the army marched over so often 
afterwards during that terrible war. Still, I well remember that it 
seemed to me a sort of wild picnic ; and I would clutch my gun and 
feel of my cartridges in a very determined mood to defend Washington 
to the death. 

Wearily the night wore on ; and steadily I tramped, talking in the 
dark, from time to time, with strangers — men from all parts of the 
Union whom I did n't see then and probably never saw afterwards. 
Bad as it was to march in the dust, it was still worse when it began 
to rain just before daybreak. Gently it came at first ; and slowly 

1909.] THE BULL-RUN MUSKET. 189 

the dust became a thick paste of slippery mud. Steadily the storm 
increased till it became a downpour. I had on a thin black summer 
suit, a straw hat, and a pair of low cut thin shoes and white stockings. 
When day broke we were a bedraggled, thoroughly soaked, mud- 
stained party. Of all that vast crowd probably I presented the worst 
appearance, for I was the only citizen in that section of the crowd. I 
bantered jokes with such as were in joking mood, but most of the 
crowd were now silent and weary. All along the road lay men asleep 
in the pouring rain. There were blood blisters on my feet, but never 
once did I stop except to get a drink of water at a brook just after day- 
light. The rain now fell in torrents ; we were literally wading in mud 
and water. 

The thirty miles from Centreville to Washington seemed three times 
that distance. My gun grew more and more heavy, and I shifted it 
constantly. It was about ten o'clock Monday forenoon when I reached 
the Virginia end of Long Bridge. A strong guard was posted there to 
stop the troops ; for Washington was already full of fugitive soldiers. 
Forcing my way through a vast mob of shouting, cursing soldiers, I 
reached the officer in charge, and got a rough reception. First he 
doubted my pass ; next he wanted to take away my musket, but I 
protested that I had saved it from the enemy ; and at length he al- 
lowed me to pass carrying the gun I had so honestly won. I went 
down Pennsylvania Avenue much stared at as I limped along. Reach- 
ing my hotel, I took a bath and turned into a good bed, thinking of 
my brother and the thousands of other soldiers who were out in the 
rain and many of whom would perhaps have no bed to turn into for 
three years; for there were a few three years regiments even then. 

The next day, to my great joy, my brother's regiment marched in 
and over to Georgetown heights ; and, after visiting them there, I sent 
my gun home by Adams Ex. and took the train for Boston. Said my 
father, when I got home, " Well, I think you have got enough of war 
now." " No, sir," I said, and in less than thirty days I had enlisted ; 
and three years from the date of the first battle of Bull Run I was 
skirmishing about six miles from Richmond — three years — and yet 
I had n't quite got to Richmond. 

That Bull-Run musket is the only war weapon left in the family, 
and I hope you will keep it in memory of the good work I was willing 
to do with it even before I was a soldier. 

Dr. Green then said : 

I have listened with intense interest to Mr. Clement's 
paper, as I was not only present at the skirmish therein 
described, but as Assistant Surgeon of the First Massachusetts. 


Volunteers it was my professional duty to look after the 
wounded on that occasion. I remember vividly the events of 
that day, July 18, 1861, not only because it was the first time 
that I ever was under fire, but because it was the greatest 
fight that up to that time the Union arm}^ had fought. I 
remember, too, the proud record made by the First Massachu- 
setts in that preliminary skirmish. In each of two compa- 
nies, — G and H, — the regiment lost six men ; and Company 
H — to which Mr. Clement's paper relates — had more men 
wounded than killed. Nor were these the only losses met by 
the Old First in that memorable action. The wounded men 
came under my professional charge, and they received such 
care as could be given them on the field of battle, scanty 
though it was. The men who fell in that skirmish — some of 
them my friends and all my acquaintances — and the scenes 
of that day left impressions on my mind so deep that I have 
since accepted without hesitation the fact that " war is hell." 
This action of July 18 was only a skirmish that preceded 
the first battle of Bull Run, which was fought three days 
later on July 21. The armies contending on that day were 
commanded, respectively, by General McDowell and General 
Beauregard ; and the result is now a matter of history. 

As an instance of the changes which the whirligig of time 
brings round, I will relate a fact that is purely personal. In 
December, 1878, I was appointed a member of the Commission 
authorized by Congress to investigate the Yellow Fever Epi- 
demic of that year, and sessions were held in several southern 
cities, including New Orleans. While the Commission was in 
session in that city, General Beauregard was a regular attend- 
ant at the meetings, and for some days I was thrown much 
with him, and we talked over together the campaign of 1861. 
In answer to one of my questions, why the southern army did 
not follow up their victory and capture the city of Washing- 
ton, he replied that President Davis was strongly of the opin- 
ion that such an event would produce a revulsion of feeling 
on the part of northern sympathizers with the South and thus 
would defeat their own purpose. 

A few years later, in the summer of 1883, I was a member 
of the Board of Visitors appointed by the President to make 
the annual examination at Annapolis, Maryland, where I was 
thrown into intimate relations with General McDowell, also 


a member of the visiting Board. I slept under the same roof 
with him and ate at the same table, and often we discussed mili- 
tary matters. These two episodes in my life are now pleasant 
events to remember. 

I was deeply impressed with General McDowell's strict 
abstinence from the use of champagne and other alcoholic 
liquors. Receiving his early education in France, one would 
suppose that, like the French boys who were his companions, 
he would drink Bordeaux wine as freely as milk ; but he told 
me that never in Europe or here was he in the habit of taking 
anything stronger than water. In my intercourse with him 
for a week I saw nothing in his life to disprove this statement. 

Mr. Rhodes said : 

The reports in circulation after the Battle of Bull Run, re- 
garding McDowell, are an instance of the hasty and unchar- 
itable judgment of newspapers and their readers. It was at 
once said that the Union defeat was due to McDowell's intoxi- 
cation. As a matter of fact McDowell never in his life drank 
a drop of beer, wine, or any alcoholic beverage, and curiously 
enough too did not use tobacco in any form. The proof of 
this is undoubted, but as part of it I may mention the positive 
assurances of Dr. William H. Russell, the American correspond- 
ent of the London Times, sometimes spoken of as " Bull-Run 
Russell," who knew McDowell well and saw him on the day 
of the battle, and of Colonel Franklin Haven, who served on 
his staff during the war. Dr. Russell told me that on the 
morning of the battle McDowell ate watermelon fpr break- 
fast, and the free indulgence in this succulent fruit made him 
ill, which was the sole foundation for the cruel report. 1 

Jonathan Smith communicated the following : 

The letter read by Mr. Clement forcibly reminds me of 
what I saw and experienced, as a private soldier, on the re- 
treat of the army from the battlefield of the second Bull Run 

1 Since my statement our associate Barrett Wendell has communicated to 
me this information : " Edmund Clarence Stedman, who was present at Bull Run 
as a reporter, told me that on the night before the battle McDowell, hungry 
after his preparation, was served at his supper with canned fruit, — I think 
peaches, — and ate heartily of them. The fruit was probably tainted and brought 
on an attack of cholera morbus, from which Stedman saw him acutely suffering 
while the battle was in progress." I have no doubt that this is a more accurate 
version than Russell's. 


on the night of August 30, 1862. My regiment, the Sixth 
New Hampshire, was driven from the field about dark on the 
last day of the fight. Its last position had been in some thick 
pine bushes in the rear of the Henry house. In getting out, 
owing to the darkness and thick underbrush, the men became 
separated and did not get together again until the next morn- 
ing at Centreville. Each man made his way to the rear as 
best he could. The night was very dark and the rain was 
falling. The road was crowded with soldiers, with such of the 
wounded as could walk, with ambulances, army wagons, and 
sections of batteries. There was confusion but absolutely no 
panic, and no feeling of fright or alarm among the men, 
though it was reported that Confederates were pursuing. The 
crowd marched leisurely, there was much laughing and telling 
stories and incidents of the fight, as was usual among the 
men on a march. 

We did not reach Centreville until one o'clock in the morn- 
ing, being more than four hours covering a distance of about 
five miles. Nor was there the slightest exhibition of panic or 
fright among the men the next day when the army was camped 
in and about Centreville. There was free expression of bitter- 
ness and disappointment at the result of the fight, and while 
regiments and brigades were much broken up and disorganized, 
the army would have fought off an attack by the Confederates 
as resolutely as if it had just won a victory. That the men 
were neither panic-stricken nor demoralized by their defeat 
was well shown by the courage and steadiness with which 
they beat off Jackson's attempt to cut us off by getting into 
our rear at Chantilly, on September 1. Some of the divisions 
fighting this battle had been badly cut up at Bull Run, but 
on no field did the men show better discipline and courage 
than in the battle of September 1. The campaigns on the 
peninsula and in front of Washington that summer had trans- 
formed the raw volunteers of July, 1861, into veteran soldiers. 

Speaking of General McDowell, I am reminded that when 
we got back to Washington, about September 5, 1862, it was 
currently reported among us that the second battle of Bull 
Run had been lost through the cowardice or treachery of 
Generals McDowell and Porter. The rank and file believed 
these reports, and I doubt, so great was the anger of the men 
in Reno's division, whether their lives would have been safe 


from violence if those generals had ventured among them. 
How it was in other divisions I cannot say. A subsequent 
knowledge of the facts, however, shows how unjust these 
camp rumors were. 

Mr. Matthews made the following remarks : 

As members of an historical society, we are probably inclined 
to be sceptical in regard to family traditions ; and no doubt 
rightly so, for in many if not in most cases they are unreliable. 
Yet if such traditions are too readily accepted by members of 
the families in which they are handed down, it is also true 
that we must be on our guard against going to the other ex- 
treme ; for occasionally such a tradition, in itself almost un- 
believable, turns out to be based on fact. Let me mention 
what I think are the two most remarkable cases that have 
come under my notice. 

Ten years ago the late Rev. Dr. James D. Butler, of Madison, 
Wisconsin, wrote to " The Nation " : 

There is an old tradition in my family that J. B., an ancestor born at 
Boston in 1665, would never eat roast pork, and gave as the reason for 
his dislike that its odor brought back to him a sickening whiff of wind 
from a woman he had seen burned alive at the stake on the Common when 
he was a 'prentice boy. This story I heard in the twenties — perhaps as 
early as 1820 — at the table of my father, who in 1770 was old enough 
to have heard and understood it, if told by his grandfather, whose birth 
was 1713, and who was himself the grandson of the J. B., the original 
eye-witness of the tragedy on the Common. 1 

For three quarters of a century Dr. Butler vainly sought for 
confirmation of this tradition, and not until 1899 did he suc- 
ceed. On September 22, 1681, according to Increase Mather, a 
negress named Maria was burned to death. 2 Though Mr. John 
Noble has sought to show 3 that Maria was not actually burned 
alive, having first been strangled, I am myself unable to see 
why the sentence was not literally carried out ; but even if the 
point made by Mr. Noble is well taken, there can be no doubt 
that her body at least was burned. Thus after a lapse of 

1 The Nation, Ixix. 187 ; also 296, 390, 409. 

2 1 Proceedings, iii. 320. 

3 Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, vi. 323-336. 




more than two centuries the tradition in the Butler family- 
was confirmed. 

My second case is perhaps not so striking as the above, yet 
is well worth recording. In June, 1888, a correspondent wrote 
to the " Magazine of American History " from Chicago : 

In the year 1846, while briefly stopping at a hotel in Toledo, Ohio, 
I made some acquaintance with an old gentleman of very respectable 
appearance, a Mr. Piatt, who with his son was on his way toward his 
home at Covington (on the Wabash, as I supposed, yet possibly the 
Covington opposite Cincinnati, Ohio). In our conversation he informed 
me that his father's family lived near where Lieutenant Boyd was killed 
(in Sullivan's campaign), and that Murphy, an Indian fighter of some 
note, was well known by his father's family, and upon one occasion was 
chased by an Indian so near the American post, that a soldier fired and 
killed the red-skin. Some one whose name I have forgotten offered a 
certain sum to any person who would take off the skin of the Indian's 
legs sufficient for a pair of boot-legs, which offer was accepted and the 
work done. Mr. Piatt, when a small boy, often heard the circum- 
stances spoken of, and remembers well seeing the boot-legs more than 
once ; they had been nicely tanned in Philadelphia, he believed ; it was 
in 1792 when he last saw them. The possessor valued them highly, 
and said he trusted they would be kept in his family as a trophy and 
memorial of the period. Mr. Piatt said that he himself did service in 
the West, in the war of 1812. 1 

Sullivan's campaign took place in 1779. This story was 
told by Mr. Piatt, who spoke from childish recollection, to a 
casual acquaintance in 1846, or sixty-seven years after the 
alleged occurrence of the incident, and the gentleman to 
whom it was narrated allowed forty-two years more to go by 
before recording it. Surely, it will be said, we have here 
every chance of error. Yet, though inaccurate in some of its 
details, this story, extraordinary and incredible as it may seem, 
can be proved to be substantially correct. The defeat of the 
Indians at Newtown (now Elmira) took place August 29, 
1779, and on the following day Lieutenant William Barton 
made this entry in his journal: 

At the request of Major Piatt, sent out a small party to look for some 
of the dead Indians — returned without finding them. Toward noon 

1 Magazine of American History, August, 1888, xx. 156. 


they found them and skinned two of them from their hips down for 
boot legs ; one pair for the Major the other for myself. 1 

The Major Piatt alluded to was Major Daniel Piatt, of New 
Jersey. On August 31 Sergeant Thomas Roberts wrote : 

this morning Our trupes found 2 Indians and Skin thear Legs & 
Drest them for Leggins. 2 

Whether, as stated by the narrator of the story, the skin- 
ning was done by Murphy, cannot be ascertained ; but Murphy 
certainly served in the campaign. On September 13 Lieutenant- 
Colonel Adam Hubley wrote : 

This Murphy is a noted marksman, and a great soldier, he having 
killed and scalped that morning, in the town they were at, an Indian, 
which makes the three and thirtieth man of the enemy he has killed, as 
is well known to his officers, this war. 3 

The Lieutenant Thomas Boyd mentioned by the narrator was 
taken prisoner by the Indians on September 13 and cruelly 
tortured to death. On September 14 Major John Burrowes 
wrote : 

Here we find Lieut. Boyd and one of the men laying on the ground 
just on the edge of the town, and so inhumanly murdered it is almost 
too much to describe. Their heads were cut off and scalpt. They had 
been whipped horribly. Their bodies speared all over and Lieut. Boyd 
partly skinned. Such is the barbarity of these savage villains. 4 

Acts of atrocity when committed by Indians are character- 
ized as the "barbarity of these savage villains," but when 
perpetrated by American officers and soldiers are too often 
passed over in silence. One cannot but be pained by perusal 
of the volume from which the above extracts are taken, for, in 
addition to the destruction of the houses and crops of the In- 
dians — a destruction which perhaps was necessitated by the 
exigencies of war — it shows a wanton cruelty on the part of 
the Americans unpleasant to contemplate. After the lapse 
of more than a century and a quarter, it ought to be possible 
for American historians to take an impartial view and not 
blink the fact that deeds of barbarism were by no means con- 
fined to one side in our Revolutionary War. 5 

1 Journals of the Military Expedition of Major General John Sullivan against 
the Six Nations of Indians (Auburn, N.Y., 1887), 8; 2 244 ; 3 162 ; 4 48. 
5 Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, vii. 275-278. 


Dr. Green read a paper on 

Slavery at Groton in Provincial Times. 

During a long period before the Revolution, like other towns 
in the Province, Groton had one element in her population 
which does not now exist, and which to-day has disappeared 
from almost the whole civilized world. At the beginning of 
the year 1755 there were fourteen negro slaves in town, seven 
men and seven women, who were sixteen years old or up- 
ward. At that time Townsend had three slaves, two men and 
one woman ; Shirley had one, a man ; and Pepperell made no 
return of having any. Westford had five slaves, but the sex 
is not given. These facts are gathered from a census of negro 
slaves, ordered by the public authorities, and printed in the 
Collections (second series, III. 95-97) of this Society. 

In a record book, bound in parchment, now in the office of 
the clerk of the Middlesex Court at East Cambridge, is the 
following entry : 

Groton Decem r 21 / 1719 

These may Certifie to whome it may Concern, That William Banks 
of Groton, and Hannah Wansamug late of Lancaster both in y e County 
of Midd x were Joyned in marriage the 21 st day of Decent 1719/ at 

p r Fra : Fullam Justice of Peace. 

(IV. 194) 

William appears to have been a slave belonging to Eleazer 
Robbins, of Groton, and Hannah was an Indian, belonging to 
the Natick tribe, and is called in the records u late of 
Lancaster " ; but unfortunately the marriage was not a happy 
one. With trusting confidence in her husband, the wife 
bought his freedom, when he proved false to his plight and 
promise, and deserted her. The story, told in her own words, 
is found in the Journal of the Massachusetts House of Repre- 
sentatives (p. 39), June 13, 1724, as follows : 

A Petition of Hannah Banks Indian, shewing that she bought of 
Eleazer Robbi?is of Groton his Servant Man's Time, and gave a Bond 
of I. 15 for Payment of the same, that afterwards she married the said 
Servant Man, who is since absconded, and the said Bobbins hath put 
the said Bond in Suit, and cast the Petitioner into Prison in Boston, 
that the Principal Debt with the Charges hath arisen to /. 25 which 
Mr. Edward Buggies of Roxbury hath paid for her, praying this Court 


would please to enable the said Edward Ruggles to Sell such a part of 
her Land in JVatick, as will satisfy him for his advance of said Twenty 
Five Pounds. 

Read and committed to the Committee for Petitions. 

Mr. Charles E. Goodspeed has given me a bill of sale of a 
negro slave that was sold more than one hundred and eighty 
years ago. At that period such sales were not uncommon here, 
but to-day it seems beyond the bounds of belief that transac- 
tions in human traffic should take place in a civilized com- 
munity. The contrasts of life and the various modes of living 
as seen at different epochs of time show that " the sun do 
move," as John Jasper says. The buyer of the boy r as well 
as the seller both were pillars of the church, and in this 
matter they saw no inconsistency between their deeds and 
their professions. " Thus the whirligig of Time brings in 
his revenges." The bill of sale is as follows: 

Know All men by these presents That I Benjamin Bancraft of 
Charlestown in the County of Middlesex in the Province of the Mas- 
sachusetts Bay in New England Tanner for & in Consideration of the 
Sum of ninty five Pounds in Good Bills of Publick Credit To me in 
hand paid before the Insealing & Delivery hereof by William Law- 
rance of Groton in y? County and Province afores*? Black-Smith The 
Receipt whereof to full content & Satisfaction I Do hereby acknowl- 
edge Have, and by these presents Do Bargain Sell Assign Set over & 
Deliver unto the Said William Lawrance one Negro Boy aged about 
Thirteen years — Named Bodee To Have & To Hold the Said Negro Boy 
unto the Said William Lawrance his heirs Executors Administrators an d 
assigns To his & their only proper use and behoofe forever. And I the 
Said Benjamin Bancraft for my Selfe my heirs Executors & Adminis- 
trators Do covenant promise and agree to & with the Said Lawrance 
his heirs Executors Administrators and assigns To Warrant and De- 
fend y e Said Negro To him & them forever by these presents, against 
the Lawfull Claims & Demands of all & every person or persons Whom- 
soever In witness whereof togather with y e Delivery of said Negro 
Boy I have hereunto Set my hand & seal y e Tenth Day of July Anno 
Dom 1 . 1728. In yf Second Year of his Majesties Reign • 

Benjamin Bancroft 
Signed Sealed & Delivered 
In presence of 

Iacob AMES 
Robert Blood 




The following advertisement, not an unusual one for that 
period, appears in " The Boston Evening-Post," July 30, 1739: 

~T) AN away from his Master, Mr. John Woods of Groton, on Tliurs- 
-*-* / day the 12th of this Instant July, a Negro Ma?i Servant named 
Caesar, about 22 Years of Age, a pretty short well sett Fellow. He car- 
ried with him a Blue Coat and Jacket, a -pair of Tow Breeches, a Castor 
Hat, Stockings and Shoes of his own, and a Blue Cloth Coat with 
flowered Metal Buttons, a white flowered Jacket, a good Bever Hat, a 
Gray Wigg, and a pair of new Shoes of his Master's, with some other 
Things. It is suspected there is some white Person that may be with 
him, or design to make Use of his Master's Apparel above described. 

Whoever shall take up the said Servant, and bring him to his abovesaid 
Master in Groton, or be a Means of convicting any Person or Confeder- 
ate with said Servant as above suspected, shall have Five Pounds Reward 
for each of than, and all necessary Charges paid. 

The following marriage is entered in the church records 
under the date of December 28, 1742, " Priam us (Cap 1 Boy- 
dens Negro man servant [)] to Marg- Molatto formerly ser- 
vant to S. S. both of Groton." It is also recorded that 
Margaret, the servant of Samuel Scripture, Jr., was baptized 
on January 30, 1733-4, and that she owned the covenant at 
the same time. The last entry shows that the initials stand 
for Samuel Scripture, Jr. This negro couple was afterward 
blessed with a family of children, and they lived on the west 
side of the Nashua River, a short distance north of the Great 
Road to Townsend. His surname was Lew or Lue, and his 
given name became contracted into Primus, a very common 
name among the blacks ; and to this day the rise of ground, 
near the place where the Pepperell road leaves the Great 
Road, is known as Primus Hill, so called after him. Mr. 
Butler, the historian of the town, thinks that perhaps Mar- 
garet's other name was also Lew. (See his History, p. 454.) 
Their eldest child, — Zelah, a corruption of Barzillai, — born 
at Groton on November 5, 1743, was a famous musician, who 
lived at Chelmsford and Dracut, and was the father of numer- 
ous children who also were musicians. He was a fifer in 
Captain John Ford's company of the 27th Massachusetts Reg- 
iment in service at the siege of Boston, and was present at 
the Battle of Bunker Hill. See " Massachusetts Soldiers and 
Sailors of the Revolutionary War " (IX. 725), for an account 
of his services. 


About the year 1740 there was a negro slave in Groton by 
the name of Boad, who used to look after the cattle sent up to 
Groton Gore in the spring to be pastured during the summer. 
In the summer of 1735 the Province of Massachusetts Bay 
made a grant of land to the proprietors of Groton, which be- 
came known as the Groton Gore. This territory comes now 
wholly within the State of New Hampshire, lying mostly in 
Mason, but partly in Brookline, Wilton, Milford, and Green- 
ville. In speaking of this tract of land Mr. John Boynton 
Hill, in his " History of the Town of Mason, N. H.," says: 

Under this grant, the inhabitants of Groton took possession of, and 
occupied the territory. It was their custom to cut the hay upon the 
meadows, and stack it, and early in the spring to send up their young 
cattle to be fed upon the hay, under care of Boad, the negro slave. 
They would cause the woods to be fired, as it was called, that is, burnt 
over in the spring; after which fresh and succulent herbage springing 
up, furnished good store of the finest feed, upon which the cattle would 
thrive and fatten through the season. Boad's camp was upon the east 
side of the meadow, near the residence of the late Joel Ames (p. 26). 

Undoubtedly Boad, mentioned in this paragraph, is the same 
slave who, under the name of Bodee, was sold by Benjamin 
Bancroft to William Lawrence. Among the marriages in the 
church records of the town, under the date of February 5, 
1750-51, the following entry is found, — " Bode to By " ; and 
at that time this probably was considered a sufficient record 
for the marriage of an enslaved couple. In the year 1751 
Abraham Moors owned a slave named Zebina; and she 
probably was the bride on the occasion. 

" The Boston-Gazette, and Country Journal," June 13, 1774, 
has a notice as follows: 

Ten Dollars Reward. 

RAN AWAY from the Subscriber, Joseph Moors, of Groton, in 
the County of Middlesex, and Province of Massachusetts-Bay, a Molatto 
Man Servant, named TITUS, about 20 Years of Age, of a midling 
Statue, wears short curl'd Hair, has one of his Fore-Teeth broke out, 
took with him a blue Surdan, a Snuff-coloured Coat, and a Pair of white 
wash'd Leather Breeches, a Pair of new Cow-Hide Pumps and a Furr'd 
Hat with large Brims, and sundry other Articles of Wearing Apparel. 

Whoever will take up said Servant and confine him in any of his 

Majesty's Goals, so that the Owner may have him again, shall have 
TEN DOLLARS Reward and all necessary Charges paid, by 


iHP" All Masters of Vessels and others, are hereby Caution'' d against 
Harbouring, Concealing, or carrying off said Servant, as they would 
thereby avoid the Penalty of the Law. 

An extract from the town records refers to the birth of 
Titus, who is here advertised as a runaway by Joseph Moors, 
a son of Abraham Moors, the former owner of the slave mother. 
The entry is as follows : 

Titus, a molato boy born of Zebinah, a negro slave to M? Abraham 
Moors, March , 1751. 

Charlestown Edes, a slave belonging to Isaiah Edes, of 
Groton, served as a soldier in the Revolutionary army. See 
" Groton during the Revolution" (p. 171). Among the 
papers now in the possession of the town clerk, are the 
following : 

Charlston Eads Soldier in the Lieu- Col2 Company In the 
15* Massachusetts Regiment having Sarvd Five months and Two 
days is hearby Dischargd from Said Regiment agreable to General 
Orders of Yesterday 

Given under my hand at Westpoint 
this third day of December 1780 

Tim? Bigelow Col. 

Groton march y e 21 st 1781 Sir Pay my Wages to my Master 
Isaiah Edes and you will Oblidge yrs 

Test Charlestown x Edes 

Isaac Farnsworth mark 

Akin to the subject of slavery in the town is the following 
item from " The Groton Landmark," November 14, 1885 : 

Gov. Boutwell has in an old scrap-book the following interesting 
Memorandum : 

August, 1856. 

Noah Shattuck, esq., informs me that there were eleven slaves in Groton 
when slavery was abolished, and he mentioned the following names : Chloe 
Williams, Phillis Cutler [Cutter?], Phillis Sartell, Ichabod Davis, Fanny 
Boyden and William Case. Phineas Wait also owned one slave. 


Noah Shattuck, a son of Job and Sarah (Hartwell) Shat- 
tuck, was born on August 30, 1772, and died on September 
28, 1858 ; and probably he made the statement from his own 
personal recollection. 

Slavery was never formally abolished in Massachusetts, but 
it was held by the courts that the Bill of Rights contained in 
the State Constitution, which was adopted in 1780, swept away 
this last vestige of feudalism. A nominal existence of the 
institution flickered for a short period after the adoption of 
the Constitution, as it took a little time to promulgate the 
great fact of abolition. 

The following notice is printed in " The Independent Chron- 
icle and the Universal Advertiser " (Boston), December 28, 

A Negro Child, soon expected, of a good breed, may be owned by 
any Person inclining to take it, and Money with it. For further Infor- 
mation apply to the Printer. 

The following notices appear in " The Continental Journal 
and Weekly Advertiser " (Boston) under the dates, respec- 
tively, of January 4 and March 1, 1781. 

To be sold, A hearty strong Negro Wench, about 29 years of age, 
fit for town or country. 

To be sold, An extraordinary likely Negro Wench, 17 years old, 
she can be warranted to be strong, healthy, and good naturd, has no 
notion of Freedom, has been always used to a Farmer's kitchen and 
dairy, and is not known to have any failing, but being with Child, which 
is the only cause of her being sold. 

Mrs. Mary Sartell, widow of Colonel Josiah Sartell, died on 
March 30, 1780, aged 80 years. In her will she gives a large 
number of household utensils " To my maid Phillis, formerly 
Servant," who was the last survivor of negro slavery within 
the limits of Groton. The following entry is found in the 
town records : 

Phillis Walby, servant to Josiah Sawtell, Jun., deceased, died at 
Groton, aged 79, February , 1821. 

For twelve or fifteen years before her death Phillis was 
allowed annually a small sum of money from a charity fund, 



which was distributed by the church, and occasionally instead 
of money a religious book was given. At one time she received 
a copy of Thomas Scott's Essays on the most important 
Subjects of Religion, and at another a copy of " Henry on 
Meekness." From these gifts it is fair to infer that her 
mental training was looked after, as well as her moral, for 
she evidently knew how to read. I am inclined to think, 
however, that she valued the pecuniary gift quite as much 
as the religious instruction gained from books. 

Mr. Ford read a letter from the President of the Society, 
calling attention to the following statement recently printed 
in the " Boston Evening Transcript " (March 3), which again 
relates a tradition the truth of which has long since been 
exploded : 

It would be a worthy task for William Austin, who wrote the still 
famous legend, " Peter Rugg, the Missing Man," to provide an equally 
becoming symbol for the approaching presidential inauguration. In 
Peter Rugg's day such an event would have been comparatively simple. 
Jefferson, for instance, rode on horseback one day to the Capitol, with- 
out attendance, dismounted, tied his horse to the fence and walked 
unceremoniously into the Senate chamber. There he delivered his 
inaugural address, was sworn into office, and the business was over. 

In the " History of the United States," by Henry Adams, I. 
Chapter VII. , is given the whole genesis of this myth or tra- 
dition, drawn from official despatches of the time. Mr. Adams 
there says that the wholly imaginative account of Jefferson's 
first inauguration, which has passed with many as history, 
originated with an English scribbler of the day, who " wished 
to write a book that would amuse Englishmen. " Such 
being the case, it would appear that he has confounded the 
historical investigator as well, even down to the day that 
now is. 

The subject was referred to in a readable account of " Inau- 
gurations of Simpler Days," printed in the " New York Evening 
Post," February 27, 1909 : 

Jefferson was the first President to be inaugurated at Washington. 
Only the north wing of the new Capitol building had at that time been 
completed, and it was in the Senate chamber that the ceremony took 
place. The long, persistent myth that represented Jefferson, in his 



which was distributed by the church, and. occasionally instead 
of money a religious book was given. At one time she received 
a copy of Thomas Scott's Essays on the most important 
Subjects of Religion, and at another a copy of " Henry on 
Meekness." From these gifts it is fair to infer that her 
mental training was looked after, as well as her moral, for 
she evidently knew how to read. I am inclined to think, 
however, that she valued the pecuniary gift quite as much 
as the religious instruction gained from books. 

Mr. Ford read a letter from the President of the Society, 
calling attention to the following statement recently printed 
in the " Boston Evening Transcript " (March 3), which again 
relates a tradition the truth of which has long since been 
exploded : 

It would be a worthy task for William Austin, who wrote the still 
famous legend, " Peter Rugg, the Missing Man," to provide an equally 
becoming symbol for the approaching presidential inauguration. In 
Peter Rugg's day such an event would have been comparatively simple. 
Jefferson, for instance, rode on horseback one day to the Capitol, with- 
out attendance, dismounted, tied his horse to the fence and walked 
unceremoniously into the Senate chamber. There he delivered his 
inaugural address, was sworn into office, and the business was over. 

In the " History of the United States," by Henry Adams, I. 
Chapter VII., is given the whole genesis of this myth or tra- 
dition, drawn from official despatches of the time. Mr. Adams 
there says that the wholly imaginative account of Jefferson's 
first inauguration, which has passed with many as history, 
originated with an English scribbler of the day, who " wished 
to write a book that would amuse Englishmen." Such 
being the case, it would appear that he has confounded the 
historical investigator as well, even down to the day that 
now is. 

The subject was referred to in a readable account of " Inau- 
gurations of Simpler Days," printed in the " New York Evening 
Post," February 27, 1909 : 

Jefferson was the first President to be inaugurated at Washington. 
Only the north wing of the new Capitol building had at that time been 
completed, and it was in the Senate chamber that the ceremony took 
place. The long, persistent myth that represented Jefferson, in his 


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Holden ztBoflon in N en- England, October 18. i6fp. Concerning 

The execution of two Quakers. 

Lthoughthejufike of our proceedings againfiWilYiam Robinfon, Marina duke Steven fort, andMary 
Dyer, Supportedby the Authority of this Court, the Lawesof the Country*, and the Law oj God, mjy 
rather perjwade us to expeS incouragement and commendation from all prudent and pious men then con* 
vtneetttofany neeejjity toApologize for thefame,yetfo*aimuchas men of weaker parts } oHt*fpitty and com- 
nriferation (* commendable and thrift ian virtue yet eafly abufed, andfufceptible ofjintjter and dangerout 
imprtjfionryfor want of full information^may be lefifat/sfied, and men of perverfer principles^ may takeoccafion hereby to 
calumniate uf } andre*der itf as bloody persecutors , tofatisfietheone, andfiopthe mouths of the other, we thought it ream - 
fte to declare. That about three Years fince, divers perfons, profefuDg themfelvcs < gw4^er/ ) ("of whofe per- 
nicious Opinions and Pra&ifes we had received intelligence from good hands, from Barbados to Engl.wd l ar- 
rived at Bojion) whofe perfons were onely fecured,to be tent away by the firft opportunity , without cenfnre or 
puoiihmcnt, although their profefled tenents, turbulent and contemptuous behaviour to Authority would 
have juftified a feverer anitnad verfion,yet the prudence of this Court 3 was eXercifed, onely in making provifion 
to fccore the Peace and Order hereefhblifhed, agniuft their attempts, whofe defign(we were well allured ofby 
twr^wn experience,as well as by the example of their predecefiours inMunfler') was toundermineaad ruine the 
fame, And accordingly a Law was made and published , prohibiting all Mailers of Ships, to bring any 
%M*ke>" into this Jurifdicrion > and themfel ves from comming in, on penalty of the Houfe of Correction, till they 
could be fent away : Notwithstanding which, by a back Door, they found entrance, and the penalty inflifted 

exprriments,by their inceflantaflaults, a Law was made, that fuch perfons fbould be banifhed, on pa'mof 
Death, according to the example of England in their provinonagainft^e/»ffe/, which fentence being regular- 
ly pronounced at the laft Court of Affif rants againft the parties above named, and they either returning, or 
continuing prefumptuoufly in this Jurifdiftion.after the time limited, were apprehended,?* owning themlelves 
lobe the pcrfonshanifhed, were fectenced ("by the Court) to death, according the La w aforefaid, which hath 
been executed upon two of them •• Mary Dyer upon the petition of her Son, and the mercy and clemency of 
this Coort.had liberty to depart wi thin two day es, which (be hath accepted of. _ The coofideration of 

our gradual proceeding, will vindicate us from the clamorous accufations of ft verity* onr own jufr and neceiTa- 
ry defence, calling upon us (other means iayling) to offer thepoynr, which thefc perfons have violently, and 
wilfully rafted upon, and thereby become/«Wr</e/e, which might it have been prevented, and the Sovereign 
Law satmpopull been preserved, out former proceedings, as well as the Sparing of Mary Dyer, upon an incon- 
fid«|abie iaierceffioE, will jnanifeftly evince, we defire their lives abfest. rather then their death prcicnt. 

Printed by their order in 
rUprintcd ja Lomt** t i6s9 



every-day clothes, riding alone on horseback from his lodgings to the 
Capitol, hitching his horse to a fence, and walking unattended to the 
Senate chamber, has been pretty well dispelled. The story obtained 
currency principally by reason of its appearance in an English book of 
travels in which the author strained every point to make the Americans 
appear uncouth and only partially civilized. 

As a matter of fact Jefferson's first inauguration was attended by 
more ceremony than any since the first inaugural of Washington. The 
President-elect was met at his lodgings, only a few hundred paces from 
the Capitol hill, by a body of militia comprising both infantry and cav- 
alry, and a large delegation of citizens, with whom he proceeded on 
foot to the unfinished Capitol. There in the presence of most of 
Adams's Cabinet, Vice-President Burr, and the members of Congress, 
he delivered his inaugural address, and was sworn into office by the 
new chief justice, John Marshall. President Adams was not present, 
having left the city early on the same morning, piqued, it is said, at 
Jefferson's bearing in victory. The afternoon was given up to a re- 
ception at Jefferson's boarding house, and the evening to a banquet, 
the firing of salutes, and a series of mammoth bonfires. 

Mr. Ford also submitted a photograph of a broadside issued 
in London, in 1659, giving the justification prepared by the 
General Court of the Massachusetts Bay of their dealing with 
the Quakers, William Robinson, Marmaduke Stevenson, and 
Mary Dyer. The original is in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, 
England, and is, so far as is yet known, unique. It is probable 
that there was a like broadside first issued in Boston, and it 
will be noticed how closely the English printer has followed 
the general form of provincial issues of that day ; but no copy 
of such a broadside has been discovered. 1 A second issue 
appeared with the imprint" London, Printed by A. W. 1660." 
A copy was sold in London in the recent dispersion of Lord 
Polwarth's collection, February 15, 1909, and bore a different 
title, " A True Relation of the Proceedings against certain 
Quakers, at the Generall Court of the Massachusetts holden 
at Boston in New England Oct. 18, 1659." 

Mr. Ford presented certain letters relating to the English 

1 In the instructions to John Leverett, prepared by the General Court of 
Massachusetts, December 19, 1660, the seventh paragraph speaks of " our printed 
declaration and petition to his Majestie " as containing an explanation of the pro- 
ceedings against the Quakers. Even this reference does not show why two dis- 
tinct issues were made in London. — Hutchinson's " Collection of Original Papers," 




Church in Holland, and others written by men who later 
came to New England, copied from the originals in the British 

John Cotton to Arthur Hildersam. 

Reverend & Deare S r , — My wife and selfe comend o r hearty 
love to you, and to M rs Hildersam, w th thankes to you both, since wee 
last enioyed you. M r Winters Journey into yo r parts, giveth me this 
Opportunity, to send by so safe and ready a Bearer, what you called me 
to write by M r Sharpe, an Ep'le to y e Reader of yo r Booke, addressed 
to y e Presse. I have expressed therein my true thoughts, and what I 
desire might be of some vse to stirre vp yonge men like my selfe, to a 
more advised and fruitefull Reading of those labo rs of yo rs , which I doubt 
not will much increase y e fruite of yo r Reckoninge, when you are 
gathered to Rest. 

It is now late at night, and this Bearer departeth early in y e morning : 
Therefore let me in a word Intreate you, to goe on in comunicating what 
other of yo r labo rs you may, to y e hands of all. Noe fishing, like to 
y l in y e broade Sea. 

W tha11 , I pray you, helpe this Bearer in his suite to M rs Martha Tem- 
ple, so farre as you shall see God's hand making way for him. As his 
learning is beyond y e Ordinary measure of his time, and his Grace, 
more : so this argueth noe comon mercy of God to Him, that his mode- 
ration and Industry in his Calling, hath generally found Approbation 
of all here (for ought I heare) even of those who are not wont to thinke 
well of every good man. 

The Lord Jesus still establish yo r Peace, and prosper all his worke 
in yo r hand, till yo r chaunge come. Help vs, I pray you, w th yo r faith- 
full Requests before y e Throne of Grace. So I rest The vn worthy est 
of yo r poore brethren 

John Cotton. 

[Addressed] To my Reverend and deare frend M r Hildersam Preacher of 
y e word at Ashby D r these w th Speede. 1 

John Cotton to the Bishop of Lincoln. 2 

My honourable and very good Lord, — As yo r Lordship 
hath dealt honourably, and Christianly w th me : so might I iustly be 

1 British Museum, Additional MSS. 4275, fol. 154. This letter was probably 
written in 1629, and refers to Hildersam's " Lectures upon the Fourth of John," 
etc., published that year. The Dictionary of National Biography, xxvi., has a 
good account of Hildersam, but speaks of this volume as edited by J. C, i. e. 
John Carter of Bramford, Suffolk, an error which this letter corrects. A copy 
of the Lectures is in the Boston Athenaeum. 
2 John Williams, bishop, 1621-1641. 

1909.]. LETTERS 1624-1636. 205 

esteemed impiously vngratefull, if I should deale otherwise, then in- 
genuously, and honestly w th yo r Lordship. When my cause first came 
before yo r Lord p , yo r Lord p wisely and truely discerned, y* my forbear- 
aunce of y e Ceremony es was not from wilfull Refusall of Conformity, 
but from some doubt in my Judgm' (w ch I confesse is very shallow) 
and from some scruple in Conscience, w ch is indeede as weake. And 
therefore vpon mine humble, and instaunt Petition, yo r Lord p was 
pleased in much goodnesse, to graunt me time to consider further of 
these things for my better satisfaction. Yo r Lord ps gentlenesse hath 
not since bred in me any obstinacy in mine owne Opinion : much lesse 
emboldened me to depart the further from y e receyved judgm 1 and 
practise of y e Church in any point. The point of Kneelinge in Re- 
ceyviuge y e holy Coniunion, was noe lesse doubtful to me (if not more) 
in y e dayes of yo r Lord ps Praedecesso r , then it is now. 1 His Lord p 
knoweth, that in Westminster by his Comaundem 1 , I propounded my 
doubts about it before himselfe, and the Reverend and learned Bishop 
of Sarisbury, y l now is. 2 Vnto whom I did so freely open my selfe, 
out of deepe desire to helpe my selfe by their deeper Judgem ts , y t my 
Lord discerninge my simplicity, became (as I conceyved it) y e more 
favourable and willinge not onely to beare w th me, but also to give some 
way to my Restitution, and in the windinge up to leave me in such 
Estate, as yo r Lord p found me. I humbly beseech yo r L p thinke not I 
have so abused yo r Lord ps Patience, as to harden my selfe by yo r Lord ps 
Lenity. Noe, I assure yo r Lord p , out of an vnfeigned Desire, to im- 
prove yo r Lord ps Gentlenesse to mine owne Peace, and the Churches 
satisfaction, I have thus farre gayned (what by Conference, what by 
study, what by seekinge vnto God) as of late to see the weaknesse of 
some of those groundes against kneelinge, w ch before seemed too stronge 
for me to dissolve. The Experience of y e faylinge of my Judgem* in 
some of these thinges, maketh me the more to suspect it in other Ar- 
gum ts and grounds of like nature. Besides I shall never forgett, what 
yo r Lord p gravely and wisely once said vnto me, The Ceremonyes I 
doubted of, were " noe where expresly forbidden in Scripture : the Ar- 
gum ts brought against y m were but by Consequence deducted from 
Scripture : deduction of Consequences was a worke of y e Judgem* other 
mens Judgem ts (so many, so learned, so godly) why should I not con- 
ceyve, did as infallibly deduce iust Consequences, to allowe these 
thinges, as mine owne, to doubt of y m ." Alas, alas (my deere Lord) 
I see by often Experience, the shallownesse of mine owne Judgem*, es- 
pecially in comparison of many Centuryes of Godly-Learned, who 
doubt not of the lawfull liberty of these Ceremonyes, especially of this 
Gesture. Their Consent herein, doth further strongly persuade me, to 

1 George Monteigne, bishop, 1617-1621. 

2 John Davenant. 


suspect the motions of mine owne minde, when I see my selfe in any 
thinge to dissent from y e receyved Judgem 1 of so many Reverend 
Fathers, and Brethren in y e Church, whom I doe not onely highly 
reverence, but admire. I see, it is comonly a Palsey-distemper in any 
member of y e Body, when it is carryed by a motion different from 
y e rule of y e rest of y e members. And I iustly suspect y { spirit, in my 
selfe, or in another, y l breatheth a motion different from y e rest of 
y e members of y e body of Christ, y e Church of God. 

Thus may yo r Lord p well perceyve, how little, yo r Lord ps forbear- 
aunce of me hath hitherto stiffened me in any private Conceyte. And 
though it hath bene suggested to yo r Lord p (as I heare) y* it hath em- 
boldened o r Parish to Inconformity, and induced divers others to come 
from other Parishes, to Comunicate w th vs in y e like Liberty : Yet 
surely yo r Lord p hath done honourably and Christianly, and well be- 
seeminge the sequity of yo r High and Honourable Co", not to give 
Credit to such a Suggestion, till yo r Lord p hath Enquired, and heard 
o r Answer. The trueth is, the Ceremonyes of y e Riuge in Marryage, 
and standinge at y e Creede, are vsually performed by my selfe : and all 
y e other Ceremonyes of Surplice, Crosse in Baptisme, Kneelinge at y e 
Comunion are frequently vsed by my fellow-Minister in o r Church, and 
w th out disturbance of y e People. The People on Sabbaths, and sundry 
other Festivall dayes, doe very diligently, and throughly frequent y e 
Publique Prayers of y e Church, appointed by Authority in y e Booke of 
Comon Prayer : neyther doe I thinke, y l any of y m ordinarily (vnlesse 
it be vpon iust occasion of other businesse) absenteth himselfe. It is 
true indeede, y l in Receyvinge the Comunion, sundry of y m doe not 
kneele : but (as I concey ve it, and as they Expresse theimselves) It is 
not out of scruple of Conscience, but from y e store and multitude of 
Comunicants, w ch often doe so thronge one another in this great Con- 
gregation, that they can hardly stand (much lesse kneele) one by another. 
Such as doe forbeare kneelinge out of any doubt in Conscience, I know 
not, how very few, they be : I am sure, in Comparison of y e rest, they 
be nullius numeri. That divers others come from other Parishes for 
y* Purpose, to Receyve w th out Kneelinge, is vtterly vnknowen to me, 
and (I am persuaded) vtterly vntrue. All y e neighbo r Parishes, Minis- 
ters and People rounde about vs, are wholly Conformable. Once in- 
deede (as I heard) one of y e Inhabitants of o r neighbo r Parish, cominge 
to visit his wife (who then nourced a Gentlemans child in o r Towne) 
did here Comunicate w th vs. And whether for his not kneelinge, or 
for some further Cause, I know not, but (as I heard) y e Co rt beinge In- 
formed of Him, did proceede severely against Him. But otherwise, 
the man (as I have since bene certefyed) hath alwayes vsed to receyve 
kneelinge, both before, and since. Yet his Case beinge further bruited 
abroade, then well knowen, might easily breede such a Suspicion and 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636. 207 

afterwards a Report, w ch in time might come to yo r Lord ps Eares, 
y* divers did come from other Parishes to vs, for this purpose, To Re- 
ceyve Inconformably. But yo r Lord p is wise, easily discerninge betweene 
Reports and Evidences. 

Let me now therefore humbly intreate yo r Lord p , in y e bowells of 
Christ Jesus, since yo r Lord ps Lenity hath hitherto neyther hardened 
me to my self-conceyted Obstinacy, nor wrought any Pragiudice, eyther 
to yo r Lord p , or to y e Church of God : Yo Lord p will therefore be 
pleased, To allowe me yet further time, for better Consideration of 
such doubts, as yet remayne behinde. That if vpon further search, I 
can finde theim too weake to deteyne me, as I have done y e former, 
I may then satisfy yo r Lord ps Desire, and Expectation : If Otherwise, 
yet I trust yo r Lord p shall ever finde me (by y e helpe of God) a peace- 
able, and (to my best endeavo 1 , accordinge to my weake abilityes) a 
serviceable member of y e Church of God. 

I dare not praesume, w th more wordes to Presse yo r Lord p , whom v e 
store and weight of so many important Affayres, presse continually. 
The Lord of Heaven and Earth give me still to finde favo r in yo r 
Lord ps Eyes : And even He Prosper yo r Lord p w th Longe life, and 
Happynesse, and Favo r w th God, and man. So humbly cravin^e 
Pardon for my great boldnesse, I desire leave to rest Yo r Lord ps ex- 
ceedingly much bounden Orato r 

John Cotton. 
Boston, Jan. 31, 1624 

[Addressed] To y e right honourable and Reverend father in God, my very 
honourable good Lord, Lord Bishop of Lineolne, Lord Keeper of the great Seale. 
Del. this w th Speede. 

[Endorsed] Cotton. 31. Jan. 1624. to Lo: Keep r . Boston. 1. Wherein himself, 
his Curat, and his Parish ers conformable. Ob ons answered. 1 

John Davenport to Lady Mary Vere. 2 

Madam, — A line or two from yo r Hon r would have bene to mee 
good newes from a farr Countrye. M r More was a welconi messenger 
when he gaue mee assurance of your safe arriuall after so dangerous 
and troublesom a voyadge. He that deliuered you on the sea will pre^ 
serve you also on the land how safe are you, Mada, that are hid vn- 
der his wings, and held in his hands who is Lord of sea and Land ? 
In nothing be carefull but in all things lett your requests bee mayd 

1 British Museum, Additional MSS. 6394. Boswell Papers, i. fol. 35. Another 
letter from Cotton to the Bishop of Lincoln, dated May 7, 1633, is printed 
in the Hutchinson Papers, *249. 

2 Mary, daughter of Sir William Tracy, of Toddington. She married in 
October, 1607, Horace, Baron Vere of Tilbury, who long served in Holland. 
Clarendon says her religious views were of a Dutch complexion. 


knowne vnto God with prayers and supplicacons and giving of thancks. 
Keepe a record of speciall mercyes, they will much strengthen you 
against future feares. I hope to wayte vpon your Honor in England 
agayne ere long, if that be true w ch I wrote to my Lord, if not, yet, 
whilest I Hue, I hope to meete you daily, in presenting our offrings 
and sacrifices at y e dore of the sanctuary. Be confident of this, that I 
am ever mindfull of your Honor makiug mention of you in my secrett 
prayers night and day. I beseech your La p that I may still enioy the 
benefit and assistance of yo r prayers, w ch I am sure, haue bene accepted, 
and will still prevayle w th our Alsufficient God thorough the mediacon 
of our Lord and Sauiour. Good Mada, lett me prevayle w th you to 
take the encouragm ts w ch God giues you. sett an higher price vpon 
your prayers, vse and inioy y { intrest w ch you haue in Gods fauour 
thorough Christ if earthly men can giue good things to theyre children 
w l good thing can yo r Heavenly father denye you ? onely beleiue 
stedfastly. aske in fayth and wauer not. you haue an vniust iudge 
granting y e request of a strange widdow, a sleepy man satisfying y e im- 
portunate desire of liis neighbour though he came vnseasonably. and 
will not the righteous God, who is faythfull in his promises, grant the 
petitions of his children, whose prayers are always in season to him 
who comandeth them to pray alwayes? Hagar was a bondwoama cast 
out of the church, shee prayed not, but wept, shee looked not vp to 
God but vpon her Ismaell y t scoffing Ismaell. yet God heard, and 
helped her. will he not much more regard Sarah who leaues her owne 
country and fathers house to goe w th Abraha in obedience to God, when 
shee seeketh his face by prayer for herselfe and family wherein Gods 
name is called vpon ? Doubtles he will heare when shee prayeth, and 
before shee speaketh he will answer. Here stay your heart good 
Mada, and reioyce in y e Lord : many prayers must be denyed, and re- 
fused if you want any thing y l is good. But, that I may not tyre you 
w th too much scribling, for conclusion of these rude lines written in too 
much hast, lett me intreat yo r La p to p r sent my service to my Lord 
Horton and his good Lady excusing my not wrighting to them at this 
tyme by the hast of this bearer M r Robbert Hyrick * w m I presume to 
comend to yo r Noblenes beseeching you to remember my Lord of 
his promise to hasten his prosfirm*. w th whom also I ioyne M r 
Humfrey who still wayteth in the citty expecting resolucon from yo r 
Hon. how to dispose of himselfe. If I had but a litle more tyme I 
would haue written to M r Balmford, 2 and M r Sedgwick, 3 to whom I de- 

1 This was the poet Herrick, who was not admitted to the living of Dean 
Prior, near Ashburton, until 1629. 

2 Possibly the Puritan divine, who died about 1659, and at the time was 
pastor of Albons, Wood Street, London. 

3 Obadiah Sedgwick (1600 ?-1658), then chaplain to Baron Vere. See Dic- 
tionary of National Biography. 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636. 209 

sire to be affectionatly remembred. I rest yo r Honor ble Ladysh ps much 
obliged John Davenport. 

Coleman Street Jan. 18. 1627 

[Addressed] To y e truely Noble and Worthy Lady the Lady Vere these be 
dd in Hague. 1 

John Davenport to Lady Mary Vere. 

Lond. June 30, 1628 

Madam, — Since my recouery out of a dangerous sicknes w ch held 
me from a weeke or fourtnight before Shrouetide to as long after Easter 
(for w ch I returne most humble and hearty thancks to y e God of my life 
the father of mercyes) I haue had diuerse purposes of wrighting to yo r 
Honor, onely I delayed, in hope, to wrighte somew' concerning the event 
and success of our High Comission troubles, but I haue hoped in vayne 
for, to this day, we are in y e same condicon as before, delayed till the 
finishing of this Sessions in parliam* w ch now is vnhappily concluded 
w th out any satisfying coutentm 1 to y e King, or comonwealth. Threat- 
nings were speedily reviued against vs by y e new Bishop of London 
D r Laud even y e next day after y e conclusion of this session ; wee ex- 
pect a fierce storme from the inraged spiritts of y e 2 Bishops ; ours, as 
I am informed, hath a particular ayme at mee vpon a former quarrail, 
so y l I expect ere long to be deprived of my pastorall chardge in Cole- 
man street. But I am in Gods hand, not in they res, to whose good 
pleasure I doe contentedly, and chearfully submitt my selfe. if it be 
his will to haue me layed aside as a broken vessell of no vse, his will 
be done, and blessed be his name y l he hath served hirnselfe of me 
hitherto ; if otherwise he be graciously pleased to continue me in my 
station and ministry he is able to keepe that w ch I haue comitted to 
him, and I will wayte vpon his goodnes. however things succeed 
on earth, if he will not deliuer me out of y e mouths of the Lyons, yet 
he will deliuer me from every evill worke, and will preserve me to his 
heauenly kingdom. In y e middest of these troubles y e Lord hath not 
left me without many comforts, amongst w ch the remembrance of your 
former fauours, and y e assurance of y e present helpe of your prayers 
(w ch I know, prevayle much w th God, thorough Jesus Christ our Lord) 
doth exceedingly comfort mee. I reioyced greatly when I heard of 
your health, Mada, by yo r Noble and worthy sonne in Law (in whom 
I account your Honor, and his Lady yo r virtuous daughter very happy, 
as in one who, I am persuaded, will farr exceed y e most of our Nobility 
in y e truest worth) but much more did I reioyce in vnderstanding, by 
some passadges in his discourse, the continuance of your resolution to 
doe God all y e Service you can in y* place, wherevnto the good hand 

i Additional MSS. 4275, fob 158. 


of God, I am confident, hath brought you for some speciall end. The 
whole countrye lookes vpon your personall carriadge, and vpon y e order- 
ing of yo r family, wherein, as Salomon shewed his wisdom to y e admira- 
con of the Queene of Sheba, so I hope, your Hono r will so glorifye God, 
and adorne y e gospell, y l we shall all haue iust cause to say, many 
daughters haue done vertuously but thou excellest them all. if this 
way, even by well doing you seeke glory and honor, you shall haue it 
on earth, and afterwards aeternall life. 

Concerning yo r remoue from y e Hague Dr. Sibbs 1 and I haue had 
some conference (who desireth to be remembred in y e best expressions 
of sincere loue and service to yo r Honor) we both agree in this con- 
clusion y\ except absolute necessity inforce, you should not remoue 
your dwelling, both in respect of y e benefitt yo r family may haue by 
being members of a congregacon (besides theyre helpes at home) and 
in respect of the helpe and encouragm 1 the ministry and course of 
Religion in y e Hague may haue by your countenance and example, 
the glory y l may redound to God, and the good that may accrew to 
your family by yo r continuance there will recompence the loss w ch you 
sustayne in yo r outward estate, but if this be not sufficient, we desire 
y l you would propose the qusestion w th y r owne opinion and reasons 
more fully, and we will iudeauour to satisfye your La p by a more full 
answer. M r Sedgwick wrote to me for a p r acher for Sir Edw. Vere, I 
haue one in readines for him if I may heare an answer of w* I wrote 
to M r Sedgwick, to whom and to M r Balmford I desire heartily to be 
remembred. I confes myself indebted to Mr Balmford for answer of 
his two letter [s] which I hope to satisfye ere long. I wrote letters 
to my Lord and yo r La p by M r Hyrick but never heard what became 
of them or him. I find a great miss of you, Madam, in the middest of 
my troubles, but I was not, nor am worthy to enioy such a freind. some- 
times, I thinck, I placed too much content in y e inioym! of yo r presence 
yet agayne I check my selfe fearing least I did not prize you enough, I 
was not thanckfull enough to you, nor to God for you, the Lord inable 
me now to pay ray debts to my Noble Lord and your good La p by fervent 
and frequent prayers for you both I hope ere long to be in Norfolke 
w th my Lord Horton. my wife doth often make mention of yo r La p with 
most hearty [mutilated] of an high esteem of yo r worth. I rest your 
Honor ble La ps 

[torn] Davenp[ort] 

[Addressed] To y e Right Honor ble and Noble Lady y e Lady Vere these be 
dd at the Hague. 2 

1 Richard Sibbes, at this time master of St. Catharine's Hall, Cambridge, a 
puritan divine and voluminous preacher. In March of this year he had joined 
with Davenport in a petition in behalf of the distressed protestants in the 

2 Add'l MSS. 4275, fol. 160. 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636. 211 

John Davenport to Lady Mary Vere. 

Madame, — The report of that greate breach which it hath pleased 
the Divine providence to make in that family, wherein you are so much 
interessed, did at first somewhat astonish me, but after some recollec- 
tion of my thoughts it affected me with sorrow and pitty : with sorrow 
for the publick loss, wherein ye wholl land suffereth by the fall of such 
a pillar, whose wisdom and publick spirit made him of singular use, not 
to Norfolke onely, in his prudent managing of the goverm 1 corh- 
itted to him for the good of many, but to the wholl realme, in his 
strong complyance with ye best affected patriots in parliam ts , for the pro- 
moving of any profitable proposalls and motions for the good of ye 
wholl nation : with pitty and compassion to his good Lady, and the 
tender branches, whose loss I would rather vayle than expresse, know- 
ing how sensible love maketh us of the want of that comfort which is 
more deare to us then our eyes, and more usefull to us then our hands, 
and which we would chuse rather to injoy, in the want of all outward 
things then to want in y e injoym* of all things. Nor can I looke aside 
from your La p (Madam) whose former wound not fully cured, I feare 
this occasion causeth to bleed afresh, wherewith I am the more affected, 
when I remember how fearfull you were, because of ye infection in 
these parts, least by your coming thither any infection or sicknes by 
any of yours might be brought into the family ; in which respect, the 
Lord hath dealt mercifully for the helpe of your spirit that this sad 
accident befell not at your first coming thither, nor till halfe a yeare 
was past, that your heart might be perfectly freed from that Cause of 
sorrow. Nor lett your tender apprehension of your owne demerits 
Cause in you a suspicion that in wrath to yourselfe this sorrow and 
loss is fallen upon your daughter and that Noble family, knowing that 
our daies are appointed by an seternall decree, and the number of the 
houres of mans life is to be found onely in that booke where all things 
were written before they were fashioned. I rather account it a mercy 
to your Noble daughter that this great affliction fell at such time when 
your presence might be a comfort and support to her dejected spirit, 
which also is some help to your selfe, who, I feare, would have bene 
swallowed up of greife, if the affection of motherly care for your 
daughter did not somewhat prevayle against your sorrow and mitigate 
it, by turning the streame of your love (at least in a great measure) 
into another channell. And indeed, Madam, excess of sorrow will be 
at this time unseasonable in your La p whom God hath sent thither and 
stayed there by a speciall hand of providence for another use, where- 
unto inioderate greife will dissable you, viz. for the comfort of your 
daughter, and for the helpe of those litle ones who are your owne, in a 
great part, as Ruths child was Naomies, give me leave to add that the Lord 




hath more plentifully provided for your comfort, Madam, after the 
death of your husband and soune in law then for Naomi : for her owne 
sonne died and her daughter in law lived, but your owne daughter is 
spared though your sonne in law be taken away. And for Ruths one 
sonne you have 2 sonnes and 4 daughters added to your Plonorable 
family, and the life of your daughter spared both for theyre good and 
your comfort, which mercy I will express in the words of y e Israelitish 
woemen to Noomi (onely altering the number) Blessed be the Lord 
which hath not left thee this day without kinsmen, and theyre name 
shall be continued in Israel, And this shall bring thy life agayne, and 
cherish thine old age : for thine owne daughter, w ch loveth thee, hath 
borne unto him and she is better to thee then seven sonnes. I must now 
Crave pardon that I putt an end to this wrighting sooner then I purposed 
being hurry ed away by unexpected buisenes which forbidds my stay 
any longer the good Lord seale up the discovery of his love in your 
heart by y e Holy Ghost to the sanctifying and sweetning of this bitter 
pill! Amen. Your Honorable La ps in y e Lord 

John Davenport. 
[Addressed] To the Right Honor b,e the Lady Mary Vere pressent these. 1 

John Davenport to Lady Mary Vere. 

Mada, — The importunity of this bearer to carry, at y e least, an 
ackowledgm t of the receite of y e token, w ch it pleased your Hon. to 
send to my wife, together w th my owne desire of expressing our thanck- 
fulnes for that, and many other favours receiued from you, embold- 
eneth mee to this rude and breife expression of my selfe, in so few 
lines, being by present vrgencye of buisenes, and some streights of 
tyme, this Saturday night, denyed liberty of enlarging my selfe. That 
ancient candor and noblenes of disposition, which you haue alwayes 
exercised towards me, in making a good construction of my errours, as 
it hath formerly imprinted in mee an high esteeme of your worth, and 
good opinion of me, so at this tyme, it giues me assurance that this 
rudenes will be pardoned, and my desire of presenting most humble 
and hearty thancks to your Hon. will be accepted. I hoped, ere this 
tyme, to haue obtayned my long desire of seeing my Lord, and your 
LaP w th yours in England. The Lord preserve you in the way and 
make your returne prosperous ! This day I receiued a letter from your 
Noble sonne, my Lord Haughton 2 w ch should haue bene here, I thinck, 

1 Add'l MSS. 4275, fol. 1(52. This letter probably refers to the death in his 
minority of Sir Roger Townshend, of Norfolk. Mary, the second daughter of 
Baron Vere, married the father, Sir Roger Townshend, of Raynham, Norfolk, 
whence are descended the Marquises of Townshend. 

2 John Holies, second Earl of Clare, who was known after 1624 as Lord 
Haughton. He married Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Lady Vere. 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636. 213 

a moneth sooner, to whom I desire to be excused y l I wrigbte not an 
answer, for want of tyme. I hope shortly to giue an answer to him- 
selfe not in wrighting, but in speach, at your returne to England, w ch 
I wish may be hastened w th all convenient speed. In y e meane space, 
I present my humble service to his Lordsh p , and to his worthy Lady. 
By M r Sedgwick, I receiued a letter from M r Balmford, whom 1 lone 
unfeignedly, for y e graces that shine in him. if he resolue to settle at y' 
Hague, I beseech y e father of spirits to encourage his spirit to that 
greate worke, and to furnish him with wisdom, and vtterance, and zeale 
in abundance, and to goe foorth with him, in his ministerial! labours, 
in much power and efficacye. I canot wrighte to him now, but I 
acknowledge my selfe his debtour. Now the good Lord shew mercy 
to my Noble Lord, your Honor ble La p and to your whole family, in 
ordering your consultacons and resolucons to his owne glory in your 
wellfare, and in filling your hearts with all needful graces, and com- 
forts, and in protecting your persons, and preserving you in health and 
safety, there, and in your voyage, and in fulfilling all your necessityes ! 
I rest, in much hast, craving pardon for this blurred scribling, your 
Honor ble Ladish ps much obliged in y e Lord, 

John Davenport. 

Decemb. 26, 1629. 

I will not fayle to sollicite Sir Maurice Abbott 1 in your buisenes 
concerning Hales. 2 

[Addressed] To y e Right Honor bIe and truly Noble Lady, the Lady Vere, these 
be dd at the Hague. 3 

John Davenport to Lady Mary Vere. 

Most Noble and very much Honoured Lady, — In y e middest of 
my disquietments and tossings to and fro, it is some comfort, y* I haue 
assurance of the continuance of your fauo r towards mee, and of your 
remembrance of mee in prayer : I know, that loue which you haue bene 
pleased so freely to cast vpon mee will quicken you to all diligence and 
industry in any way and course that may conduce to y e procuring of 
my liberty, but hitherto it hath pleased God to leaue me in much darke- 
nes, and many 'difficulties, to vnbottom mee wholly of y e creature, and 
to reueale himself'e more clearely and fully in all issues, and euents y l 

1 A prominent merchant of London, and at this time governor of the East 
India Company, a position that gave him close connection with Dutch commer- 
cial questions. 

2 Probably John Hales, " the ever memorable," who had served in Holland in 
1616 as chaplain to the ambassador, Sir Dudley Carleton. 

3 Add'l iMSS. 4275, fob 164. 


befall mee Be not troubled, much less discouraged (Good Mada) at 
any rumors you meet with concerning my present way. The persecu- 
tion of y e Tongue is more fierce and terrible then y l of the hand at this 
time, I haue sense of both. But I can say it is for thy names sake o 
Lord, that I beare this reproach. But y e iniurious surmises of those, 
by whom I should be comforted and supported, many that profess re- 
ligion in an higher strayne then some others, doeth much afflict mee. 
I pray God it be not laved to theyre charge! The trueth is, I haue 
not forsaken my ministry, nor resigned yp my place, much less seper- 
ated from y e Church, but am onely absent awhile to wayte vpon God, 
vpon y e settling and quieting of things, for light to discerne my way, 
being willing to lye and dye in prison, if y e cause may be aduantaged 
by it, but choosing rather to preserve y e liberty of my person and 
ministry for y e Seruice of y e church elsewhere, if all dores are shutt 
against mee here, what I now doe and suffer is not caused by any 
guilt of any practise or action done or intended by me, which may ex- 
pose me to any iust censure of Authority, much less by a desire of ease 
(as some giue out) hauing gotten a greate estate; least of all by re- 
seruing to my owne priuate benefitt any thing comitted to my trust for 
the publick good, my estate, though I am not in any present want, is 
not able to maintaine mee without a calling in y e buisenes of y e feoffees 1 
I haue giuen vp my account vpon oath, and the Lord God who search- 
eth y e hearts knoweth y f I am so farr from gaining by y* buisenes in 
my outward estate, that I am out of purse, in myne owne particulars 
for the aduancement of it. The onely cause of all my present suffer- 
ings is, the alteracon of my iudgm 1 in matters of conformity to y e cere- 
monies established whereby I cannot practise them as formerly I haue 
done wherein I doe not censure those y* doe conform (nay I account 
many of them faithful], and worthy instrum ts of Gods glory, and I know 
that I did conforme with as much inward peace, as now I doe forbeare, 
in both my vprightnes was the same, but my light different) In this 
action I walk by y l light which shineth vnto mee. lett no man say the 
matters are small and what need I be scrupulous in these things ? 
That which y e Ap Ie speaketh of Rom. 14 was but a small matter, yet 
you see how heauy a doome he passeth vpon him y 1 doeth it doubting 
of y e lawfullnes of it. v 14. 22. 23. I haue bene taught by my Lord 
and Sauior to account no corn 1 of God small, and to despise a mans 
way, that is, to thinck this is too despicable and slight a thing to be 
stood vpon, you know whan an euill it is. pro. 19. 16, But these 
things are not small, neither in themselues, nor in the consequences of 
them. But I haue not time to be large : onelv thus much I thought 

1 An account of the plan to establish a fund for the ministry, and of Laud's 
move against the Feoffees, is in Cotton Mather's Magnalia, Book iii, ch. iv. 
Hugh Peter was also concerned in this plan. 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636. 215 

good to present to your Hono r in way of account for the present, hoping 
that God will giue mee an opportunity to make a more large and full 
Apollogy, for y e satisfaction of all men. They that know mee, might 
haue suspended theyre opinions, and censures till they had heard from 
my selfe, y e reasons of my actions, with much aduise of many minis- 
ters of eminent noate, and worth I haue done all which I haue done 
hitherto, and with desire of pitching vpon y l way wherein God might 
be most glorifyed. In his due time, he will manifest it. M r Harris I 
know fully and I doe heartily loue. He is a very worthy man of a very 
gracious hearte, humble, mild, and gentle Spirit, a man not at all taken 
notice of by y e Bishops, he is weake and sickly, but you need not be 
discouraged by y* for it is a lingering weakenes wherein he may hold 
out long, but his spirit is very active in good, he is very fitt for your 
occasions in all respects, you shall be very happy in him if you can 
haue him. he is one of a thousand. It is not in y e Bishops power to 
take from you what is settled vpon y e Nobility and others by magna 
charta, the right and power of intertaining chaplaines. feare it not. 
The good Lord strengthen your inward ma with y e ioys of his spirit! 
Your Honorable Ladiships much obliged 

John Davenport. 

Mada — I pray send by this bearer 2 or 3 sheetes of gilded paper. 
I am now about to write to my Lord Keeper. 
[About 1633.] 
[Addressed] To y e Right Honorable the Lady Vere, these be dd. 1 

Iii October, 1632, information was laid before Sir Francis 
Windebank, Secretary of State, against the English churches 
in the Low Countries. The preachers of the Merchant Ad- 
venturers at Delft were the chief persons complained of, for 
they were said to observe no forms of prayers, nor any solem- 
nities, to administer the sacrament without form, and plant 
churches and ordain ministers at pleasure. The home govern- 
ment wrote letters to the Adventurers instructing them to 
select conformable preachers, and threatened to call in the 
Company's charter in default of reformation. Seventeen 
members of the Adventurers, residing at Delft, united in a 
declaration, saying that they learned they were traduced in 
England as schismatics, but were ready to take the oaths of 
supremacy and allegiance whenever required, and to conform 
themselves to all the laws of England when they should come 

1 A.ld'l MSS. 4275, fol. 166. Davenport resigned his English charge and went 
to Holland late in 1633. 


to live therein. They asserted that they had conformed to 
the government established in the churches of the United 
Provinces " by the joint authority of our State as well as of 
this State," under which they lived as their predecessors had 
lived. Sir William Boswell, recently appointed Ambassador 
to the Hague, described the church government among these 
Merchant Adventurers to be 

entirely Presbyterian, and that the company fell into that fashion at 
the first grant of free exercise of religion. Mr. Davison, Queen 
Elizabeth's Ambassador, was an elder of their church, as Mr. E. Gilpin, 
then Secretary of the Company, was afterwards. In Divine Service 
they neither officiate " according to their mother English," nor keep the 
canons of the Reformed Belgic churches. They have never had any 
regular constitutions. The deputy, Mr. Misselden, and Mr. [John] 
Forbes, the present minister, are irreconcilably at variance, the Deputy 
challenging them for want of Liturgy, Catechism, Confession, set forms 
of Prayer for Marriage, or for celebration of the Sacrament, exercise of 
the Lord's Prayer, and solemn Thanksgiving and Anniversaries for the 
Birth and Death of our Saviour, " things, if true, of most insufferable 
nature, and most dangerous consequence." 1 

Goffe wrote to Misselden of a discovery that might help him 
in his prosecution of the Church's cause : 

Mr. Paget complains exceedingly of Misselden's troublesome minis- 
ter [Forbes], that he is a man of most usurping and imperious dis- 
position, labouring for nothing so much as his own pre-eminence. 
Paget has procured acts from the Dutch churches that in their opinion 
the English Church ought not to have a classis, the reason being that 
they who sue for it have schismatical self opinions. Paget having ex- 
amined Mr. Hooker on interrogatories, the latter has shown that he 
thinks no church as yet knows Christ's mind, but he knows it alone. 
Our Puritans have little cause to complain of the proceedings of our 
Church, since they are creatures that can live no where. Forbes, hav- 
ing complained of the ministers and classis of Amsterdam for their 
censure of Hooker, has been rebuked by Jacobus Laurentius, then 
president, for his meddling, with this expression, that though he com- 
plain against the bishops of England, yet himself hath more than an 
episcopal spirit. 2 

i Boswell to Council, March 18, 1633. State Papers, Domestic, 1631-1633, 475. 
2 Goffe to Misselden, April 26, 1633. 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636- 217 

At this stage the King himself intervened, for he wrote 
sharp instructions to the Company of Merchant Adventurers, 
based upon what Boswell had written and Laud wished : 

His Majesty has heen advertised by hisagent with the States Gen- 
eral that there are divers of the ministry in those parts, the King's 
natural born subjects, very ill affected to the government of the Church 
of England, and that they have opposed those who stand for the decent 
form of divine service used in that Church, by which and by betaking 
themselves to fancies, they disparage the King's government, and bring 
contempt upon themselves among foreign nations, whereas the King's 
intention never was that any company residing in foreign parts should 
exempt themselves from the government of this Church or State. The 
King therefore wills the company not to entertain any minister de- 
parted from this country or censured here for nonconformity, but only 
such as are conformable. Edward Misselden, then deputy governor at 
Delft, who has been affronted in his government by some of the com- 
pany, incensed by those refractory preachers, for his endeavour to 
reduce them to the government of the Church of England, is in danger 
by their practices to be removed from his place, which the King will by 
no means endure. The King expects they will give him all encourage- 
ment in the present and future elections, and that the London Com- 
pany will cause a copy of this letter to be sent to those of the company 
in foreign parts. 1 

Misselden himself came to London, to kiss hands, and sub- 
mitted some thoughts on the Adventurers' position, by which 
he hoped to make them more amenable to the King. He 
wished a conformable minister to be sent out with him, to 
settle the company in conformity to the Church of England; 
the Book of Common Prayer to be sent out and used; and 
that the chief government of the company be reduced to 
London, which would cause them of necessity to renew their 
charter, and might draw from them a convenient homage to the 
king. 2 

At this time Stephen Goffe appears as an element of 
trouble, having read the prayers of the Church of England to a 
regiment in the Netherlands by orders of Lord Horace Vere. 
He stated that great contentment was given by the reading, 
but he half contradicts himself by describing the result. It 
was true only one officer left the church, but the State was 

1 Dated, Westminster, May 29, 1633. 

2 Misselden to Secretary Windebank, July 24, 1633. 



made acquainted with the new order " as if some new and 
superstitious thing had been introduced," and he was com- 
plained of as an " innovater and troubler of the church," his 
stipend of .£30 a year was cut off for a time, and factious 
English and Scottish ministers admonished him to desist. 
Goffe rather enjoyed the approach to martyrdom, and wrote 
to Henry, Earl of Dover, that he would continue to read 
prayers whether the £ 30 were paid or not, being of opinion 
that so good a work must not be forsaken for the hazard of 
that sum. One of Goffe's opponents, Colonel Hollis, was 
admonished to desist, "as he tenders the King's favour." 
And the reprover, no less a person than Sir John Coke, acting 
under the King's immediate order, continued : 

It is no small dishonour to his Majesty's government, and also to our 
church and religion, that in a country where way is given to all sorts 
of religions, even to our factious and scandalous separatists, we should 
make difficulty in using that liturgy which is not only prescribed to all 
good subjects, but is also most agreeable to that which was used in the 
primitive and best times of the church, and which the most learned and 
religious much prefer before those naked and indigested forms, wherein 
the people have no part. 

Stephen Goffe to Sir William Boswell. 

Sir, — I had provided to have sent you the summe of M r Pryetts 
relacons concerning the English classis from Emmerick but that we 
were suddainly carried from thence to Santomsbeacke a place betwixt 
Rees and Weazell. But are not likely to land there because of the 
great overflowing of the Waters insomuch that M r Witte told my Ld 
that the Prince he thought when he saw it would returne backe to 
Nimmengen and so the army should march to Rhineberke. But my 
Ld not knowing yet w* wilbe the issue (the prince not being come to 
that place on Wensday night) is come to Weazell [Wesel] where he 
will stay till the army is somewhere setled : And here such things as 
I meet with I cannot but informe you of. The minister to the 
English (as I said in my note) is a German who speakes English 
having lived in Oxon above a yeare and els where in England 2 yeares 
more. And he is a very good Scholler, but a yonge man, yet one that 
is a very thankefull man to England ; for both in his life, and learning 
he is more English then Dutch. I see he hath taken a degree in 
Leyden : and his theses I have sent vnto you ; first for a story I shall 
tell you, and then because they be dedicated to the Bp of Lincolne. 
His 80 thesis was much misliked by o r puritanes. go M r Goodyer 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636. 219 

opposed him publickly in the Scholes ; because he tolerated o r Liturgy, 
and would prove that o r Liturgy was not to be endured ; (because it 
commands the reading of Lies that is the Apocrypha.) And by that 
thesis he gott the ill will of all that tribe. M r Cotton of Bostone sent 
him a lett r about it blaming his medling. and D r Ames 1 anoth r the 
Copy of w ch I have sent you, word for word as it is. (But saith o r 
defendnt the professors showed themselves then feirce maintainers of 
o r bookes.) You may see D r Ames his good nature that he likes not 
any man hartily that is acquainted with a Bp. Now Sir I thought it 
fitt to propose this vnto you because I know not how it is possible to 
gett a fitt r man to go through with that busines we have in hand : if by 
you he were p r sented and placd in Coll Morgans place. 2 for he is a 
man throughly setled in his judgement for o r church in all things. 
And hath great frends amongst the states insomuch that there wilbe no 
doubt of his getting the 200 gilders an: w ch M r Batch et hopes to 
retaine. (Hassolt [or Haffolt] Paw : Capell are his frends) and 
Treasurer Goch by the recomendaon of my Leifte : Coll. Hollis wrote 
for him to come to Mastricht to be pastor to the Dutch there, yo he 
must not except against him. Here he is professor of Philosophic in 
the Schola illust : of Weasell. for w ch he hath a house and some allow- 
ance from the towne, and his fath r is a wealthy man neare Munster 
(w ch I write because if he be p r ferred to Coll Morgan it wilbe incon- 
venient for him to be quite removed from this towne) Now I con- 
ceive his Ma tie would like of this because he hath defended o r Liturgie, 
when he had no relaoii to o r church : and the Bp of Lincoln would 
looke vpon it as thing done in reference to him too. These are but 
my private thoughts yet such as I know I may trust with you ; els I 
know Peters 3 and that accusing tribe would be glad to me medling 
about this. Now if you please to write w* you conceave of this, y r lere 
may be sup r scribed to me, but to be left with Leiftenant Smith Leiften- 
ant of an English Company at his house in Weasell. The Ministers 
name is M r Gwin. and if you please to speake with him he would be 
ready to come to the Hage, and could tell you many storries of the 
proceeding of o r Classists, and you might lay w l lawes vpon him you 
would y r selfe. He is all a Schooleman ; there is his Master learning, 
and well studied in the History of the Popes, and hath a booke now in 
the presse to prove that there was a Pope Jone, a work of more labor 

1 William Ames, who had married the daughter of Dr. Burgess, chaplain to 
Sir Horace Vere, and had himself served in that capacity. He was now occupying 
the chair of theology at Franeker, and died in this year. 

2 Sir Charles Morgan. 

3 Hugh Peter went to Holland ahout 1629, and was at this time minister of 
the English church at Rotterdam, and closely associated with Dr. Ames. The 
"Articles and Covenant" printed on page 223 brought against him such com- 
plaints and disputes that he decided to remove to New England. 


than fruit : yet be will shew that he hath read bookes. Whatever you 
please to command me Let it come that way by Leiftenant Smith. My 
Ld Vere hath never beene betf body nor mind in a jorney then this, 
and is fully now sett against o r humorists. I desire my humble service 
be p r sented to M tls Boswell, and so I rest Your very thankfull and harty 

Stephen Goff. 
Weasell, Thursday assension May 5 th s* no. [1633]. 

My Lord this day commanded me to write to you, to p r sent his ser- 
vice and to tell you that if he knew any thing worth your knowing he 
would not faile to send it : but as things are he bidds me sett dowue, 
which is nothing but as before that the great waters have beene a great 
hindrance to the Prince that the shipping are not all come vp to San- 
tomsbeake till this night, that two bridges are made for the Landing 
of the men w ch wilbe to morrow, that there have beene horse and foot 
sent about the quarters about Rhineberck, and that therefore in all 
probability that is the place we shall sitt before. That the speach is 
Count Willm is comming downewards. The Princes are well quartered 
in Santom ; and as yet the Prince of Orange and they eat togethe r . 

This 7th of May Satterday night. 

I have mett with an admirable Story here. By the helpe of the 
Dutch P r ach r s of the towne the very same controversy that 1 have had 
about o r Pray r s. o r Countrymen who fled hith r in Queene Maries daies 
had with the Inhabitants here, and I have gott out of their towne 
Archiva, two Supplicaons in Lattin o r countrimen made for their owne 
rites and pray r s. 

A coppy of o r communion p r sented by them to the Magistrates. 

A lere of Melanchtons in their behalfe. vpon which they had full 
Leave granted them to vse their owne rites and pray r s ; and had a 
church allowed them, the lere I read in Melanchtons handwriting. 

These things I have caused to be coppied out. I see this lere of 
Melanchton is printed by Pezelius in Melanchtons Consilia theologica. 
but it is mangled and not compleat nor like the autograph, as I have 
noted wherein [worn away]. 

[Addressed] To the right Worp 11 my worthy frend Mr. William Boswell. Agent 
for his Ma tie of Great Brittaine. at Hage. 

[Endorsed] Goffe : 5 May, 1633. Wesell. English Classis Litourgie, &c. Engl, 
seruice in Wesel. Mr. Hooker. 1 

1 Add'l MSS. 6394, Boswell, i. fol. 134. The mention of Hooker's name is not 
easily explained. He was then in Holland, associated with Dr. Ames, and, 
Mather says, assisted him in composing some of the "Fresh Suit against human 
Ceremonies," which was passing through the press when Ames died. Davenport, 
in his letter of March 18, 1634, post, says the book was printed before the author's 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636. 221 

Stephen Goffe to Sir William Boswell. 

Sir, — I give you harty thanks for y r serious and Loving encourage- 
ment, w ch togeth r with your directjons in this my pilgrimage will make 
me a happy man. I hope you have receaved a third letter from me, 
w ch gave you account of the first Suudaies worke. Before the next 
M r Sclaer came who is a conformable man in w l he doth but I have 
grounds to thinke not in his hart : for by his owne relatjon when he 
was at the Hage he went vp and downe from State to State to see if 
he could be forbidden to obey the King. But they (one as I remem- 
ber Gandt) telling him that they did not Lay any inhibition, but referred 
it all to the Prince of Orange, whose mind he said it was that it was best 
men should practice according to the churches to w ch they belong, Hee is 
contented to do it. He told me furth r that the Councell of State had 
putt in their judgements against it, in many sheets of paper; To w ch 
the General States have not yet answered, and as he gath rs fro them, 
are not likely to do. M r . Day is now come amongst vs too, so that all 
is right, but that Cotl Morgan is of no religion neith r for p r aching nor 
praying. The feild businesses are related to you by bett r hands. There 
is newes come that the Goveruour of Rhineberke is seazed vpon by 6 
troops of horse of the Enimies, and carried into Gelders as a Prisoner, 
they fearing els that he would gett away to Culleine whith r he hath sent 
his goods by shipping before him. Coll Feruns this day is sent by the 
prince to the Landgrave of Hesse, and it is discoursed that we shall have 
a great supply of horse fro him, w ch togeth r with the command for the 
suddaine recruiting of y e companies out of England and France makes 
vs expect a great deale of worke this summ r . It is written vnto me fro 
England that M r Cotton of Boston hath convinced M r Damport [Dav- 
enport] and M r Nye, 1 two of the great p r achers of the citty that kneeling 
at the sacrament &c. is plaine Idolatry, and y* for that reason M r Dam- 
port hath absented himselfe every sacrament day w ch is once a month 
since Christmas, and M r Cotton is going for New England : Here is a 
blessed vacation that o r visitant Peters comes not his circuit this League 
as he was wont : my old adversary is semp r idem never eomming to the 
worship of God till praying is done. The Polish Embassadour makes men 
talke here of a Queene of Poland : Prince Charles is growue a very 
curious antiquary with such furniture, as the old Romane camps have 
afforded Him. I desire my humble service may be p r sented to M tis 
Boswell who if shee would follow the example of a multitude may wel 

1 Philip Nye, who was in Holland from 1633 to 1640. He believed that at 
sermons the preacher should wear his hat, hut the congregation be uncovered; 
but at sacraments the preacher should be bareheaded and the communicants 


venture to see the army, for here are almost all the wives that belong 
vnto it, and more too. And so I rest your humblest servant 

Stephen Goffe. 

June 7 th St : no : 

I beseech you to do me the favour to tell D r Higgs, 1 if here were 
any thing that I could betf informe in, then he is at Court, I would 
not faile to write. I am his servant. 

[Addressed] To the right Worp*M r William Boswell: Agent for His Ma tie of 
great Brittaine at the Hage, This. 

[Endorsed] GofTe. 7 Jun. 1633. Army. Rhynbergh. Lre. if Jun. 1633. 2 

Alexander Browne to Sir William Boswell. 

Rotterda the J 7 7 of August, 1633. 
Sir, — my last was to you the 15 of this : senc w ch tyme I hapned one 
this booke : if you have not seene it before: there is A 100 or 200 
bownde at this towne to sell to the good santes w ch are in England and 
m r Puckell A Catterpiller to his Cuntrie as I may say haith the saill of 
them : but it is not the mans faulte so much as vp howllders : his 
Chefest vp hould r is m r Peter that is the truth and he is one that 
standes much for the good of his Cuntrie : the bak waij and one that 
Resspeckteth you Ho r : much for to this bearrer : he saide : that you 
sent one for him to talke w th him Concerninge m r Bacheler and w ch all 
fell vpon him w th sum descorse touchinge him selfe : but truly saide he : 
I slighted his speches see sir this pore condicned man whoe in A mailer 
slightes his Kinge, Kingdom and the Imbassadors : of his K but 
what should one say to such refracktories but it is a great shame theay 
should be sufferred but I hop it will in tyme be all mended: and thus 
in hast I take my leave and Rest yo r Hon r to doe you any service 

Alex Browne 

[Addressed] To the Hon r Sir William Boswell knight and Imbassad r for his 
maiestie of great Brittane. 

[Endorsed] Browne T \ Aug: 1633. dam. 1 fresh suit ag* Ceremonies. 
2. Puckel blasoned. 3. Peters backbiter of me &c. 3 

Alexander Browne to Sir William Boswell. 

Rotterdam the first of Nouem r 1633 
Honnard, — Sence my laste beinge w th you I have littell or noe 
news to Informe you of only in r Peter reported to sum of his peopell 

1 Griffin, or Griffith, Higgs, who served as chaplain to Elizabeth, Queen of 
Bohemia, from 1627 to 1639. 

2 Add'l MSS. 6394, Boswell, i. fol. 144 ; 3 150. 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636. 223 

that he was to preach his far well sermond at delft the last Sunday : 
and to leaue it A dessolaite plaice wheer their was wepinge Amongst 
his female saintes to heir of the sad stories he related vnto them heir 
at Rotterdam before he departed : for nowe in steed of preacheinge we 
should haue A littell seruice Staruice read w th many other skandolous 
wordes he eussed vpon the Common prayer : Doc r Amis his prcfaice 
to the fresh supplie is printed and I am promissed one of them but I 
shall noe sowner receaue it but I will send it forwarde to your Honnor : 
I have heir sent you m r Peters Couenant w ch he maide and vnless wee 
will all subscribe to this his Couenant wee shall not be admitted to the 
lords Table neither ould members nor newe : so that it seemes to me 
our Church formerly was noe Church : but what authorite he haith to 
doe those thinges : I knowe not : for he him sellf saith the Church of 
England doth Tije the Concienc of men to do this and that, and he for 
his parte in this his Couenant Tieth both Concienc and purss. Sir I 
ffear I am to tedious to you vp such A subieckt but I will Ceass at 
pressent Committinge you to the Allmightes prtexcion and euer 
Restinge youers and not his owne to Coinand. 

Alex Browne. 

[Addressed] To the honorable S r Williame Bosswell : ressident for his Maies 
tie of great Brittane at the Haige. 

[Endorsed] Browne. Nou. 1633. Rtrdam. 1 

Articles and Covenant. 

The 15 Artikells and Couvenant of m r Hugh Peter of Rott r . 

1. To Be Contented w th meit triall for our fittnes to be members. 

2. To Cleaue in hart to the truth and pure worship of God and to 
oppose all wayes of Innouation and Corupcion. 

3. To suffer the word to be the guide of all Controuersies. 

4. To Labor for growth of knowledge : and to that end to Confer, 
pray, heare, and meditate. 

5. To Submitte to brotherly admonission and Censuere w th out enuie 
or anger. 

6. To be throughly reconciled one to another euen in Judgment 
before wee begin this work. 

7. To Walk in all kind of exactnes both in regard of our selues, 
and others. 

8. To for bear Clogging our selues and harts w th earthly Cares w ch is 
the bayn of religion. 

9. To Labor to gitt A great meassure of humillitie and meeknes and 
to bannish pride and highnes of spirit. 

i Add'l MSS. 6394, Bos well, i. fol. 153. 


10. To Med[i]tate the furthering of the gosspell at home and A 
braod as well in our perssons as w th our pursses. 

11. To Take nearly to hart our bretherens Condition and to Con- 
forme our selues to these troblesome tymes both in our dyett and ap- 
parrell that they may be w th out excesse in nessesitie. 

12. To Deall w th all kynd of wissdome and gentellnes towards those 
that are w th out. 

13. To Studie vnitie and brotherly loue. 

14 To Put one and other in mynde of this Couenant and as occassion 
is offered to take an Acompte of what is done in the premisses. 

15 And for the furtheringe of the Kingdome of Crist : Dilligently 
to iustruckt Chilldren and seruants : yea and to look to our wayes and 
accompts Dayley : 


[Endorsed] Articles or Couenant offred by M r Hu : Peters Minister, to the 
English Congregacon at Eh~'rdam, to his Congreg on before admission into it, or 
to the Lords supper to be subscribed &c 1633. 1 

Alexander Browne to Sir William Boswell. 

Rotterdam the 13 of Decemb r [1633]. 

Sir, — thoughe I have benn sum what longe : in aduissinge of you : 
of the lettere w ch youer : honner deleuered vnto [me] to be dell vnto 
Cussinge Harris : I hope you will not take it vnkindly nether think it 
any neglecht in me: but raither looke vpon the weither: one Sunday 
last I deleiuered it vnto him : and vp Munday he sett saille from henc 
w th one Antonij Jacobes for London : 

I have Inquiered whether m r Peters is A burgar or not : and as I 
am informed douettingly he was maide A Burger w th in this : 6 weekes : 
I shall God willinge Informe yo r honner more Certainly both of this : 
and other matters or it be longe and thus dessiereinge yo r Hon r to houlde 
me Excussed : Giueinge yo r honer many [word omitted] for my kiend 
Intertainment I Rest youer Honners Humbell seruant wheer in I may 
do you seruice. 

Alex Browne. 

Sir I am in sum haist I dessier your Honner woulde beair w th my 
stogrifee [orthography] and ill writting. 

[Addressed] To the Honbel S r William Bosswell Imbassador for his maiestie 
of great Brittane det in de Haige. 

[Endorsed] Browne. 13. dec : 1633. Rhrdam. 2 

i Add'l MSS. 6394, Boswell, i. fol. 161 ; 2 158. 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636. 225 

Stephen Goffe to Sir William Boswell. 

Worthy Sir, — Having 2 houres liberty before my Colonel came 
last night, I visited M r Damport, who intends a jorney to y r selfe on 
Monday for an occasion w ch I thought my duty first to acquaint you 
with. He complaines that my Lds Grace of Canterbury this tearme 
very lately (as it is written vnto him fro his frends in Ldon) in the 
high commission court tooke occasion to speake of him, and to blame 
him with some sharpenes for his p r achings and discourses since he came 
into these pts. That he should inveigh most violently against the 
policy of the church of England. w ch M r Davnport doth deny that 
ever he did, but confesseth that Vossius his sonne x was at a sermon of 
his wherein he defended the gesture of sitting at the Sacramt impugn- 
ing that of Kneeling as vnlawfull ; not medling with o r church (as he 
saith) but the gesture. And he thinkes that Vossius in leres to my Lds 
Grace of Cantab, hath informed against him for w ch he speakes more 
sharpely against him, then it is probable he hath beene spoken against 
by auy oth r s. And not only he hath taken the Cry against Him, but 
the whole knott of that sect in the towne do most bitterly teare the 
name of Vossius. His errandt to you wilbe to justifie himselfe and 
declaime against his accuser, and to begg of you to be his sponsor for 
more wisdome, and a betf temper. Besides Vossius he hath anoth r 
greivance fro M r Pagett ; 2 with who his dispute increases; not only 
about the matt r of baptisme, but about the authority of a Classis (and 
as they adde oth r things) so that he said himselfe vnto me that he 
thought he should not fixe here. But Ofwood said they hoped to have 
him Lecturer here, if not Copastor with M r Paget. 3 I have not yet had 
time to visite Vossius &c, but hastned this away, that you might know 
the true cause of His comming, w*ever he shall p r tend, when he sees 
you. I see distresse and necessity will teach men good manners. And 
so I rest. Your most bounden Servant 

Stephen Goffe. 
Amsterdam. Saterday morning : Feb. f| 163| 

My Colonel wil not stay here long r than Monday. 

[Addressed] To the right Worp' 1 my worthy frend S r William Boswell Knight, 
Resident for his Ma tie of great Brittaine. this. 4 

1 A very full account of the scholar Isaac Vossius is in the Dictionary of 
National Biography. If he is intended by the text, he was more than precocious 
to have complained of Davenport's preaching, as he was now in his fifteenth 
year. The letters must have been written by the father, Gerard John Vos, then 
occupying the chair of history in the University of Amsterdam. 

2 John Paget. 

3 Davenport's differences with Paget and the Dutch classis, which led to his 
desisting from public preaching, are mentioned in Mather's Magnalia, Book iii, 
ch. iv. 

4 Add'l MSS. 6394, Boswell, i. foi. 188. 



John Webster to Sir William Boswell. 

Right worshipfull S* — this bearrer m r John Dauenpoortt a 
worthe[y] deuine is the man thatt the Inglish churche in this city maek 
choije off to be minnester to the congregation and to thatt end the magis- 
traetts of this cittij and y 6 Ola [torn] have consented and aproned of him. 
and itt seems thatt hee is credibly informed thatt som euill wille [torn ] 
his, yea I maij saij euill wilier to him and to y e Inglish church in this 
cittij haue informed the reuerend lord the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
thatt he in his sermons hier hath preached agaijnst the gouerment of our 
kingdom, and therfoer he taketh his Jurneij to the haghe to maek his 
appoligie to your self Mid to signifij how he is wronged in thatt repoortt, 
and yff fals repoortt should taek place nott only he butt our whoell con- 
gregation should suffer. 

So this is to intreatt you worship fauorably too admitt him to speack 
in your presens for himself and to giue me so much creditt as to belieue 
thatt nott any man hier is known that did euer hear him one to enter 
into any treatty of the gouerment of our kingdom. Myself haue heard 
moest of the sermons that euer hee did preach hier and I saij seriusly I 
did neuer hear him one to moue anij such matter butt allwaijs att 
begining or ending ofeuerij sermon doth pray for ourkinge and counsell I 
say in all the sermons thatt euer I heard him preach I neuer heard him 
one to meddell in any matter of staett nor can I learn that euer anij man 
hier heard him one to touch vpon thatt poijnt. Your letter of 20 cur- 
rantt I haue and in itt the coppy of the staetts obligation for s 8000 for 
which I rest thanckfull. and itt may be I may to morrow taeke my 
Jurny towards the haghe to proffer you my seruic befoer your depart- 
tuer. but howsoeuer I wish you a prosperus voyage to your content 
so I taeke leaue. Yours in all seruic 

John Webster. 

Amsterdam the 27 febbruary 1634. 

[Addressed] To the right worshipfvll S r William Boswell Knight Agent for his 
magesty of Great Brittangnie, m. Sgrauenhagh by a worthey frend whoem God 
conduckt in saeftij. 

[Endorsed] Webster. 27 Febr. 1634. Dauenport. Am'dam. 1 

Stephen Goffe to Sir William Boswell. 

Worthy Sir, — Since the receiving of y r s March 6, fro Brill, for 
w ch I give you many thankes, M r Paget hath sent his kinsman to me 
to relate what was done in the Classis last weeke. The ordinary busi- 
nes being dispatched in their mondayes meeting they resolved of pur- 
pose to come togeth r the next day to heare M r Damports matt' On 

i Add'l MSS. 6394, Boswell, i. fol. 190. 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636. 227 

one side M r Paget declared that aft r the consent of the magistrates and 
by ord r fro the classis he with the Eld r s had offered M r D his Call in 
writing, but that He refused it his conscience not suffering him to vnd r - 
take those conditions w ch yet were thought necessary by 5 of them- 
selves, and were in appearance accepted by him selfe. On the oth r side 
were two of the Eld r s of the Church deputed and instructed by M r Dam- 
port; who indeed confessed the refusall, and the ted r nes of his Con- 
science, but in the name of the most and chiefest of the congregation 
desired the Classis that they might have him established amongst them, 
not Pastor but Assistant in preaching, alleadging the excellency of his 
guifts, and his discreet and peaceable carriage. Vpon the notice of his 
refusall some of the Dutch ministers who (by the Merchants M r D. frends) 
were brought to be sticklers for him professed themselves much wronged, 
that M r D had putt them vpon the displeasure of the magistrates. For 
that the Magistrates did alledge, as his deserting England, so his dif- 
fering fro the Belgicke constitutions w ch they had answered vnto them, 
and warranted vpon their creditts that he would be a fitt and conformable 
man. But now in his plaine flying off and that for such easy condicions, 
he did lay them open to shame to the magistrates, who were diffieulte 
before, but now would be possessed ; that many oth r differences were 
hidd in his brest besides these. To that matf of being Lecturer or 
assistant in preaching only, that was a Species of creatures w ch was not 
in their church. Besids that therein they should exceedingly wrong 
M r Pag whose age required a College in all the burthens of the church, 
w ch were as many and more heavy in the businesses of the Consistory 
for government, and in administring the sacram ts , then in the pulpitt 
for preaching. And that vnlesse he were Legittimate Pastor he could 
have no place in the Consistory &c. In fine There Conclusion was that 
3 Dutch Ministers should be deputed to go vnto him in the name of 
the Classis to exp r sse the just cause they have to be offended at his refu- 
sals, they having through so many objections made his way for him. 
And to take his reasons why he will not accept of those condicions con- 
cerning baptisme. And that next classis these 3 must report w l his 
reasons be that so they may sett a finall conclusion to this matt" The 
men designed are La Maire, and Laurentius two of y e Amsterdammers 
who take themselves most wronged by this vnexpected refusall, and 
one Rulandus a minisf of a dorp by : a very good Scholler, and one 
that can speake English if necessity require it. The man is vnfortu- 
nate (if he do not deserve it) for the causes they give of his frequent 
absence, and this p r esent jorney, but however their commission is to 
waite him at his first footing Amsterdam againe, w ch is not yet. For 
yet he is with his Oracle at Delphos to expound and vntye what comes 
vnto him fro East and West. Perhapps he chose rath r to send then 
bring his relaon vnto y r selfe, because Brill was once belonging to the 


king of England ; or vpon a point of widdows 1 his wisdome he was not 
sure he should have Leave to come backe againe. I hope Vossius will 
heare the story of this Classis, that so the Magistrates may be fully 
informed of w l hath passed, and see how just there feares and excep- 
tions were. But I cannot thiuke (nor can my relator) that the minis- 
ters intend to pswade him to come on, but rath r debating his ill 
anwering their kindnes to lay hard r and more vnwelcome condicions 
vpon him. Brill aire and such stories as these are somew' alike. God 
send you out of both ; If there be any thing wherein I may be imployed 
I begg y r commands. Those bookes when they are to be had I will 
not faile to send. M r Widdows is not yet come for the execution of his 
politike petition. And the Patres Lugdunenses are oth r wise imployed, 
to witt, in selling their bible, w ch hath been breeding this many yeares ; 
The States have given the patent of printing it for 15 yeares vnto the 
translators, who have sold the old Testament to one company of Station- 
ers, for 3000 guld. And the new Testament to anoth r company for 
3000 g. more. The question is how well this worke wilbe shaped in 
severall and those disagreeing Shopps, but the markett would have it 
so. besids y* now many mens mouths are open against the worke it selfe, 
as being needlesse, or however partially done, but this discourse wilbe 
Loud r hereaft r . I must trouble you no long r . I pray God send you a 
wind and a happy jorney, my humble service and my pitty to my Lady, 
I pray you, and so I rest Your most humble and thankefull Servant, 

Stephen Goffe. 

Leyden, March 6. 

[Addressed] To the right worp 11 my worthy frend S r William Boswell Kt. 
Resident for His Ma tie of great Brittaine in the Low Countries. These dd. Briell. 

[Endorsed] Goffe. 9. March. 1634. Leyden. Dauenport. &c. 2 

John Davenport to Sir William Boswell 

Honorable Sir, — When I first Came into these parts, my pur- 
pose was to stay he[re] but 3 or 4 moneths, and, that time being 
expired, to returne for England my nati[ve] Countrey, had not the sin- 
ister and slanderous informacon, whereof I complained in [my] last, 
exasperated the ArchB p . of Cant: to reproachfull inuectives, and 
bitter mena[ces] against me in the High Comission, whereby my re- 
turne is made much more difficult and hazardous then I could suspect, 
when, in that letter, I sayd, I am willing to exercise those gifts which 
God hath giuen me &c, I vsed that expression not in affectation, but as 
fittest to represent my present state, and to intimate that I am not in- 
gaged by any relation of office for continuance here ; which, being 

1 This may refer to Giles Widdowes. 

2 Add'l MSS. 6394, Boswell, i. fol. 194. 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636. 229 

added to what I then wrote, and the vnseasonablenes of two or three 
moneths (after my arriuall) for trauayle, and that I was but once at 
the Hague, in transitu, before the last time, when I trauayled thither 
purposely to present my selfe and seruice to your Ho : will make a 
full apollogy for my seeming neglect in that particular. The particu- 
lars, wherein I have changed, are no other than the same, for which 
many worthy ministers and lights eminent for godlines and learning 
haue suffered the loss of theyre ministry and liberty ; some whereof 
are now in perfect peace, and rest, others are dispersed in seuerall 
couutreyes, and some yet Hue in England as private persons, who were 
and are loyall and faithfull subiects to theyre soueraigne, and haue 
witnessed against hreresyes, and Schysme and against all sectaryes, as 
Familists, Anabaptists and Browuists, against all which I also witnes, 
in this place, wherevnto I had not come, if I could haue bene secure of 
a safe and quiett abode in my deare uatiue country. 

If that way of questioning should pass vpon all men, which your 
wisdom iudgeth meete in this case (as will appear vpon your revew of 
the second question) I thinck, they that iudge me will be found, in 
some particulars, to haue spoken against the gou r ment of England. All 
that I spake was concerning the gesture of sitting, vsed in this countrey, 
in receiuing the Sacrament of y e Lords supper, which I approued, and 
preferred before kneeling, grounding what I sayd vpon Luke 22. 27 to 
31 wherein I named not England nor the gouerment thereof, and so 
carryed the discourse, that it might be applyed as well to the popish or 
lutheran custom here as to any other, and passed it ouer so breifly that 
all I sayd may be written in a very few lines : nor did I euer heare that 
any man tooke offence thereat, but this informer, who was discontented 
the weeke before at a sermon wherein some Arminian errours were 
touched vpon by me, which quickened him to watch for some aduant- 
age, where vpon he might ground an accusation. 

Whereas it pleased you to question vpon oath whether I haue not 
bene Cause, or Conscious of any English bookes, or treaties printed or 
published in these parts since my coming ouer, or now in press, wherein 
the present orders and gouernm' of Engl : in church affayres are tra- 
duced, and vndermined ? my answer (but without oath till I shall be 
lawfully called therevnto) is negative. D r Ames his last booke insti- 
tuted a fresh suit against ceremonies is the onely booke, that I know of, 
which hath bene published since my coming into these parts, that booke 
with y e prseface was printed before I came from England, yea before 
the authors death, who was buried before my arriuall here, nor haue I 
dispersed any of them in England, or in these countryes. My profes- 
sion of to being still his Ma ties loyall and faythfull subiect is in simplicity 
and trueth, neyther shall they disproue it, who traduce me, and if they 
proceed according to these beginnings, I shall be constrained to declare 


myne innocencie in an Apollogy printed to the vew of the world, and 
therein to comunicate the grounds, wherevpon my iudgm* and practise 
was altered, and the reason of my departure thence hither ; with such 
obseruations as I haue made in both places. 1 But it is not my purpose 
so to doe, vnles the continuance of iniurious aspersions make it neces- 
sary, in which case the law of God and of nature bindeth men to such 
a Vindicacon of theyre innoceucy as the case requireth. Oh that the 
good hand of God would bring it to pass that those vgly vizzards of 
disloyalty and schysme being pulled off, the persons that are besmeared 
and deformed with these obloquies might be represented to his Ma tie in 
theyre owne shape and colours, viz. in the tendernes of theyre con- 
science, in the peaceablenes of theyre disposition, and in the simplicity 
of theyre intentions for the good of church and commons vnder his 
Iioyall Gouernm* for the continuance of whose life, and raigne in peace 
and prosperity I doe and shall (as I am bound) daily prostrate my 
selfe with my poore prayers before the throne of grace. What account 
of my wayes I tender to your Ho : I doe it as to his sacred Ma tie , whose 
worthy Agent and instrument you are in these parts, in hope that you 
will make such vse of it as may conduce to the satisfaction of Authority 
and my peace. For which Noble favour I shall alwayes pray that you 
may be imployed in Honorable seruices, and blessed with Happy suc- 
cess in them all yo r dayes and shall rest Yo r Hono rs to be Comanded in 
y e lord 

John Dauenport 
Amsterda March 18. 1634. stilo locj 

[Addressed] To the Right Worshipfull Sir William Boswell Knight Agent for 
his Ma tie of Great Brittaine. 2 

Stephen Goffe to Sir William Boswell. 

Worthy Sir, — I had thought not to have written vnto you till I 
could have done it to some purpose, in relating the issue of M r Dam- 
ports busines, and sending those bookes of Salmasius to have made vp 
that discourse de tmo vitas compleat. But these are not yet come 
forth ) and the Amstert busines will not come to its period till the first 
monday in May, at w ch time M r Damport is to give vp his finall an- 
swere. You left him to meet with 3 deputies of the Classis, w ch vpon 
his returne at last he did, desiring M r Forbes 3 and M r Peters who went 

1 Davenport appears to have printed such an "Apology," as Dr. Dexter men- 
tions in his bibliography of Congregationalism, a " Protestation on occasion of 
a Pamphlet entitled ' A lust Complaint ' &c. published by a nameless Person." 
The lust Complaint appeared in 1634, and the Protestation in 1635. 

2 Add'l MSS. 6394, Boswell, i. fol. 196. 

3 John Forbes, who had endured much persecution for his belief. 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636. 231 

with him to assist him should be admitted to the Conference, but that 
being not Granted he was constrained to venture alone, where yet he 
refused to discourse, and entreated liberty to commence his grievances 
in writing to the classis. That was granted and in the next classis 
read ; to w ch their sentence was ; that if by the next classis w ch is the 
1 monday in May he did not fully assent vnto these Conclusions w ch the 
5 ministers before had made that he should be declared incapeable of 
y l charge, and y* aft r ward he should not preach, to disturbe or make a 
schisme in y congregacon ; This hath cost Forbes and Peters and Batch- 
ellour anoth r jorney to Amsterdam, who have (as they phraise it) 
strengthened him, and M r Batchelour told me himselfe, that M r Damp : 
will not nor cannot yeald vnto their classis, and that he is resolved not 
to stay ; And they speake it in the praise of M r Peters courage and zeale 
that he should often vse this speach to M r Damport. Take heed 
M r Damport what you do, for you were as good yeald to the English 
Bps as to the Dutch classis. I shall labour to get copies of the Con- 
dicions of the 5 ministers, and of M r Damports Lere to the classis, 
and their final sentence, when it shall come forth, and w« hath passed 
in writing betwixt them. In the meane time 1 was willing to send 
this ; that I might not seeme negligent in my duty vnto you, vnto who I am 
bound to ow my selfe. This passage hath not brought me nor the 
marcheants one word of that busines w ch concernes vs. I am now in 
the Hage with my Colonel in his new house, His Lady is come, and I 
hope I shall find a free, and happy, and every way desirable being 
there, especially if amongst your many businesses, and in that great 
distance I may still continue the happines in your favour, to receave 
the influence of y r directions and councells for my studyes and life ; 
your kinsman at Leyden is very well, and doth proceed in p r serving and 
advancing his good mind. I am not so gon fro thence, but that I have 
quarter there still ; and shall studie all the waies I can to approve my 
selfe your servant, in him, and in w t I conceive you would judge fittest for 
me to do, especially in this happy leisure w ch I hope o r vacancy fro the 
feild this sommer will allow me. I pray you p r sent my humble service 
for me vnto my Lady Boswell, whose tedious passage I was sad for. I 
hope God will prosper you more luckely backe vnto vs, if it be best for 
you. And so I rest Your humblest and most thankefull Servant 

Stephen Goffe. 

April ty M Batchellour is taken on by the West Indy company, and 
will go to Farnabucca. 

[Addressed] To the right Worpll my Noble frend S' William Boswell at 
White- Hall this. 

[Endorsed] Goffe ft April, 1634. Hague. 1 

i Add! MSS. 6394, Boswell, i. fol. 198. 


Griffin Higgs to Sir William Boswell. 

Hon ble Sir, — The want of busines, or Newes enforceth me to 
trouble jou with a Ceremonie of my service. I have perswaded M r 
Widdowes to forbeare his suite for a Dutch pension at Leyden, vntill 
your returne, and then to be wholy guided by your wisedome. M r 
Can of Amsterdam, (as I Conjecture) hath lately putt forth a Pamphlett 
against the Church of England ; * which I borrowed for your secretaire, 
to pervse, and to send you the Contents of it, but I cannot yet gett the 
Booke to send yon. M r Damport is still a Non- Conformist to the 
Dutch Church, as well as to the English : in many points : one is the 
not-baptizing of Infants, vnles he approve the parents faith, and life : 
wherevpon the Dutch ministers have silenced him, and (without Con- 
formitie to their orders before the first of May) they doe peremptorily 
reject him. M r Thursby is a suiter for that place : M r Pagett, and the 
Dutch-ministers, (vnto whom according to my advice, he addresseth 
himselfe) doe much favour him : and (whatsoever the issue of his suite 
be) it is manifest, that the Dutch ministers doe mislike our Non- 
Conformists, and would more easilie entertaine conformable men of 
learning, and good life, and moderation, ffor they doe now professe at 
Amsterdam, that they will not continue the stipend to any English 
minister who comes against the King of Englands pleasure. When 
any thing shall happen here worthy of your eares, I shall trouble you 
with it : meanewhile, my humble service presented to the truly virtuous 
Lady the Lady Boswell, I Leave you to the protection of the All- 
mightie, and rest your most affectionate ffriend to serve you 

Griffin Higgs. 

April 9 S. Vet. 1634 from her ma tie of Bohemia her Court, at the Hage. 

lAddressed] To the Honor ble my singular good ffriend S r William Boswell 
Knight, Agent for his ma tie of great Brittaine with the states of the Low 

[Endorsed] Dr Higgs T % April 1634. Hague. 2 

George Beaumont to Sir William Boswell. 

S r — Yours by M r Cubitt I have receiued, wherin your wonted 
vigilancy for, and honour to, our Deere Moth 1 , with respects to him 
whose ioy and glory tis, to be your seruant and so to approoue himself, 
is more then fully expressed. To particulars I can make no oth r re- 

1 John Canne, successor to Henry Ainsworth as pastor of the English church 
at Amsterdam. He printed in this year his " Necessitie of Separation from the 
Church of England." It can hardly be described as a pamphlet. 

2 Add'l MSS. 6394, Boswell, i. fol. 200. 

1909.] LETTERS 1624-1636. 233 

monstrance, then your owne wisdom can better dictate, you know that 
sort of men &c. tis true M r Danenport hath bin reported out of towne, 
vpon w l grounds whether to repayre health or otherwise I know 
nothing, yet I beleeue your lettre may haue come to his hands, tis the 
Priscilian pietie to preach and practice reseruations, nor is the Pre- 
cisian behind in any craft that may conceale themselues. That w ch 
you leaue to the last place I must take notice of in the first, as con- 
cerneing my particular most : that you wonder att the Question (by on) 
whether you had forbidden M r Damport to preach in Rotterdam 
because it was sayd you had ; I confesse that clause troubled me much, 
and it is on misery attends euen the highest fauours to be entrusted 
w th Secrecyes. When you say you wrote to the Party Satturday was 
Sennitt, I cannot tell w l constructions the man might make of your 
lines, but this I heard, the last weeke M ns Forbes comeing to towne, 
condoled their losse of M r Dauenport who shee sayd was Silenced, so 
it went to M ris Amie from her to others. M r Church Gott it and it 
seemes M r Cubitt tooke it vp from him: whence M ris Forbes (saue from 
Damports mouth) should haue it I cannot Guesse, for my part I 
protest in verbo Sacerdotis no man had any hint from me much lesse 
relatio, saue M r Powell and that sub sigillo too of whom I am as 
confident, as I desire you to be of me, it may be the coition fate of 
thinges shortly to follow preuented the thinge it selfe by rumours before. 
Be it howeuer, I haue told you all I know, w r in I hope you will rest 
satisfied. I humbly beseech you they may not be false prophets, but 
that you will helpe their Spirits to hitt on a truth for this once. His 
Booke I heard not of, but by you I shall enquire after it and examine 
it according to your comand, and send my markes in the Margin, if att 
least I can gett it. M r Deputy presents his seruice to you, and will 
wait your best leysure and health till Tuesday next, if your health by 
then shall answer our hopes and prayers ; or till you please, if he shall 
heare from you before to the contrary ; as desireing to receiue that 
honour of being presented to His Ma tie by your hand, by the first 
hand I can send you shall not fail of the coinon prayerbookes howeuer 
the next weeke God willing I will wait vpon you so rests Your humble 
and thankful Servant 

Geo Beaumont 

Rotterd! Aprill 27, 1636. 

M r Archer presents his humble Seruice and thankes for your remem- 
brance of him in this extremity who indeed is in cause I haue not bin 
w th you this weeke hetherto. 

You may p r ceiue I was not negligent though some carriadges of 
thinges were in cause you receiued not this letter in that due time it 
was both penned and intended : M r Deputy on day resolueing to stay 
till tuesday next weeke and the next day altering (by others p r suasions) 



to go for the Hagh, presently putt me beside all as you may please to 
conceiue. I pray God our yong counsellours abuse not his facility too 
farr, as they do their betters too much but no more of that. 

Since I wrote this former part I have enquired of M r Damp ts booke, 
tis true it is out, but himself (as the printer told me) had the whole im- 
pression (being att the whole charge of all himselfe) w ch came to 400 
and 50 Guilders, tis a booke in 4to. as he sayes of about 40 sheetes. 
This is all I can say to that. 

I sent you by M r Cholmer on thursday your Co : pr ra r booke in 
lattin, w th that of Cartwrights your owne Copie and that one I light on 
in London, w th the booke I borrowed of M r Warren in your name viz. 
Gods loue to mankind. Why I sent not my letter then I had rather 
tell you when I come then be large heer. The Noyse heer is much 
louder about Damport viz. that I brought a letter to the Ll s from the 
King to inhibit him I am rayled att euery where w th open mouth and 
Fletch r of Amsterdam hath ouer table in the English house vented his 
rage in so foulmouthed rayleinges that those that heard them, only tell 
me that the abuse was intollerable, but what, how, or wherin, out of 
pure modesty they will not tell me, but I doubt not I shall learne her- 
after. You may please when I come to put me in mind of the word 
(Salute) and I shall possibly giue you other and those probable reasons 
of further satisfaction touching that you wonder att. 

M r Archer lies Drawinge to his long home and I feare will hardly 
suruiue your reception of this. So soon as possibly I can I will come 
to the Hagh for I much desire to speake w th you and as euer to ap- 
prooue my selfe Your faithfull Seruant 

Geo Beaumont 

Rotterdam, April 30, 1636. 

I am confidently informed that M r Damport is att the Hagh att some 
priuate house. 

He hath heere accepted to be their Doctor but another must be 
pastor. 1 

Sir William Boswell to John Davenport. 

M R Damport, — Now aboue ten dayes since I prayed you by letters 
(w ch were left at your lodgeing in Rotterdam) to lett mee speak w th you 
w th all conuenient speed, wherof because I haue heth r to receiued no 
answer, I have thought best to put you againe in mind, being Yo r loue- 
ing freind 

Will : Boswell 

I must give you thanks for sending mee yo r book, whereof I wish 
there had neue r been occasion. 
Haghe, 7 May, 1636. 2 

i Add'l MSS. 6394, Boswell, i. fol. 237 ; 2 244. 


According to the notice of Davenport in the " Dictionary of 
National Biography," no less than six publications were issued 
by him between 1634 and 1636, and before he left for New 
England in May, 1637. These publications are thus named by 
the writer of that notice, Mr. A. Wood Renton: 

1. A Letter to the Dutch Classis, containing a just complaint against 
an unjust doer. 1634. 

2. Certain Instructions delivered to the Elders of the English Church 
deputed, which are to be propounded to the Pastors of the Dutch 
Church in Amsterdam. 1634. 

3. A Report of some Passages or Proceedings about his calling to 
the English Church in Amsterdam, against John Paget. 1634. 

4. Allegations of Scripture against the Baptising of some kinds of 
Infants. 1634. 

5. Protestation about the publishing of his writings, 1634. 

6. An Apologeticall Reply to the Answer of W. B[est]. 1636. 

Of these titles Dr. Dexter mentions three, and attributes 
only 5 and 6 to Davenport's pen. No. 1 he properly enters as 
by an anonymous writer (for which he has Davenport's own 
authority), to which No. 5 was Davenport's reply. Paget 
wrote " An Answer to the unjust complaints of W. Best. . . . 
Also an Answer to Mr. J. Davenport touching his report of 
some passages," etc., thus identifying No. 3 as one of Daven- 
port's issues. No. 4 is certainly on a subject which was of im- 
mediate concern to Davenport. 

It is strange that I can find no title even of the work attrib- 
uted to W. Best and which called out replies from Paget 
and Davenport. It is possible that the title of Paget — 
"Answer to the unjust complaints of W. Best" — may be a 
play upon the title of the anonymously issued "A lust Com- 
plaint against an Vniust Doer," and of which Best came to be 
known as the writer. If this supposition is tenable, we have 
a triangular controversy, in which Davenport found himself 
opposed to both Best and Paget, and Paget was opposed to 
both Best and Davenport. Under these conditions it is not 
strange to read of "our troubles" in Amsterdam. 

Remarks were made during the meeting by the senior 
Vice-President, William R. Thayer, Barrett Wendell, 
Charles C. Smith, Henry W. Haynes, and Charles R. 



The Annual Meeting was held on Thursday, the 8th in- 
stant, at three o'clock, p. m. ; the President in the chair. 

The record of the March meeting was read and approved ; 
and the usual monthly reports were submitted by the Librarian 
and Cabinet-Keeper. 

The President submitted for the Council the following 
vote, which was adopted: 

Resolved that the Massachusetts Historical Society respectfully re- 
quests the Boston School Committee not to sever the link which con- 
nects the name of John Winthrop with the Schools of Boston, by giving 
another name to the new building which is to be erected for the use of 
the Winthrop School. 

The President then read a letter from our associate Mr. 
Howe, stating that 

Professor Wilder D. Bancroft of Cornell University agreed yester- 
day to an arrangement by which the papers of his grandfather used in 
the preparation of the " Life and Letters of George Bancroft," published 
just a year ago, shall be deposited with the Massachusetts Historical 
Society. Some private and family papers are first to be removed from 
the collection, and for a certain period Professor Bancroft retains a 
right to recall the deposit. 

The collection is very extensive, and contains letters on political and 
historical matters from many of the most prominent persons in the 
nineteenth century. It is especially rich in letters of the two periods 
through which Mr. Bancroft held public office: from 1841 to 1849, 
when he was Collector of the Port of Boston, Secretary of the Navy, 
and Minister to England ; and from 18G7 to 1874, when he was Minister 
to Germany. There is also much that is valuable and important in the 
years before, between, and after these periods. 

The Society voted to accept the deposit of these papers on 
the conditions stated by Professor Bancroft. 

Dr. Green, for Mr. Dexter, who was absent, presented a 
memoir of John Elliot Sanford ; and Mr. Merriman one of 
Charles Henry Dalton. 


The President reported the receipt of an invitation to 
attend and participate in the celebration of the four hundredth 
anniversary of the birth of John Calvin, to be held at Geneva, 
Switzerland, in July next; and announced a vote of the 
Council that some member be accredited as the representative 
of the Society on that occasion. 

Mr. Paine, Senior Member-at-Large of the Council, pre- 
sented their report, as follows: 

Report of the Council. 

This report covers the period from April 1, 1908, up to and 
including the March meeting of 1909. Among the matters 
acted upon by the Council the past year, the most important 
was the election, in November, of Worthington C. Ford to the 
office of Editor of our publications to fill the vacancy caused 
by the resignation of Charles C. Smith, who had so acceptably 
held the office of Editor since November, 1889. Mr. Rhodes, 
in his report of the Council in 1903, spoke of the loss sustained 
by the Society in the termination of Mr. Ford's membership by 
reason of his removal from the State. I am pleased to report 
that Mr. Ford has again become a Resident Member and has 
assumed the duties of Editor of our publications, to which posi- 
tion he was elected in November, 1908, and it may be said his 
election marks the beginning of a new era in the history of 
our Society. 

Mr. Ford entered upon the duties of his position on January 
4, 1909, and took up at once the work of preparing editions of 
Winthrop's History of New England, and Bradford's History 
of Plymouth Plantation, which will be his immediate charge. 
In the interim between the resignation of Mr. Smith and the 
election of Mr. Ford, one volume of the Proceedings was pub- 
lished under the direction of the Committee of Publication. 

Much needed improvement has been made in the basement 
of the Society's building to restore that part of the original 
plan of construction, and a new steel stack has been installed 
in one of the rooms for the unbound publications of the So- 
ciety and duplicate material of sufficient value to be saved. 
At the October meeting the President reported at length about 
the changes, and suggested the importance of getting rid of 
accumulated printed material for which there is neither room 


nor appreciable use and which is likely to be a constantly in- 
creasing mass of inflammable matter. 

Mr. Shaw, in the Council report of last year, said that the 
"most obvious need of the Society at the present time is an 
enlargement of the space devoted to the Cabinet," and sug- 
gested the erection of a two-story addition to the building for 
the purpose on vacant land in the yard. The need for such a 
change still exists. 

The Society's observance of the Tercentenary of the birth 
of John Milton was an important event in its annals, and was 
a part of the great commemoration both in England and Amer- 
ica. The members of the Society and the audience which filled 
the First Church edifice on that occasion listened with pro- 
found attention to the address delivered by our associate Dr. 
Everett, and to the introductory remarks by our President. 

Important action was taken by the Society in regard to the 
change of names of streets and squares, by a formal remon- 
strance to the Mayor and City Council against the proposed 
change of name of Maverick Square, East Boston, and by the 
efforts of a committee of the Society, appointed for the pur- 
pose, to secure the passage of an Act of the General Court 
to prevent in the future such changes of names within a 
reasonable length of time. This Act was passed and signed by 
Governor Draper on March 2, 1909. 

The work on the General Index of the second series of the 
Proceedings is progressing, and it is expected that the final 
publication will soon be made. Another important undertak- 
ing by the Society will be the publication of the diaries of 
Cotton and Increase Mather, and Mather papers proposed 
to be issued in co-operation with the American Antiquarian 
Society, and a committee of three was appointed by this 
Society for that purpose. The Antiquarian Society has also 
appointed a committee of three to confer with the committee 
of this Society as to the best plan to be pursued in publishing 
these diaries in the possession of the two Societies. 

The monthly meetings of the Society have, on the whole, 
been well attended, and members have availed themselves of 
the privilege of hearing the valuable and interesting papers 
that have been presented. At the April meeting of last year 
Dr. DeNormandie presented a timely paper entitled " Mod- 
which was followed by his papers on the same subject 


at the May and June meetings. F. B. Sanborn read a valu- 
able paper on " The Early History of Kansas, 1851 to 1861." 
At the June meeting President Adams gave an interesting 
talk on Thompson's Island and Squantum. 

During the fall and winter months papers have been pre- 
sented as follows : in November, on the Discovery of the Weare 
Papers, by Mr. Sanborn, and " Memoir of Abbott Lawrence," 
by Dr. Green ; in December, Introduction by President Adams 
at the Milton Tercentenary, and " Milton the Puritan," ad- 
dress by Dr. Everett at the same celebration ; in January, 
"Abraham Lincoln at Tremont Temple in 1848," by Mr. 
Schouler, a Corresponding Member, and " Old Mile-stones 
leading from Boston," by Dr. Green ; in February, " Civil 
War Pensions," by Rev. E. H. Hall, " Diary at the Siege 
of Louisburg," March 11 to August 2, 1745, communicated 
by Dr. Green, Lincoln's first Inauguration, by President 
Adams, "Milton's Impress on the Provincial Literature of 
New England," by President Adams ; in March, " A For- 
gotten Incident of the State Rights Controversy," by Mr. 
Stanwood, First Battle of Bull Run, by Mr. Clement, two 
remarkable cases of trustworthy traditions, by Mr. Matthews, 
" Slavery at Groton in Provincial Times," by Dr. Green, and 
Letters relating to the English Church in Holland, and others 
written by men who later came to New England, communicated 
by Mr. Ford. 

Since the last meeting the following changes have taken 
place in the membership of the Society: 

Deaths : 

Resident Members. 
Alexander Viets Griswold Allen .... July 1, 1908. 
Charles Eliot Norton Oct. 21, 1908. 

Corresponding Members. 
Daniel Coit Gilman Oct. 13, 1908. 

Termination, by election to Resident Membership : 

Worthington Chauncey Ford Feb. 11, 1909. 

Elections : 

Resident Members. 

Charles Pelham Greenough April 9, 1908. 

Henry Ernest Woods Oct. 8, 1908. 

Worthington Chauncey Ford Feb. 11, 1909. 


Corresponding Members. 

Henry Morse Stephens April 9, 1908. 

Charles Borgeaud . Oct. 8, 1908. 

Lyon Gardiner Tyler Feb. 11, 1909. 

The following publications have been issued by the Society 
during the year : 

A short account of the Massachusetts Historical Society by Charles 
C. Smith, together with the Act of Incorporation, additional Acts and 
By-Laws and a list of Officers and Members, January, 1791-April, 

A Documentary History of Chelsea, including the Boston Precincts of 
Winnisimmet, Rumney Marsh, and Pullen Point, 1624-1824. Collected 
and arranged with notes by Mellen Chamberlain. In two volumes. 

Serial numbers of Proceedings, third series, Volume I., April to June, 

Serial numbers of Proceedings, third series, Volume II., October, 
1908, to March, 1909. 

Proceedings, third series, Volume I. (April, 1907, to June, 1908). 

The Commemoration of the Tercentenary of the Birth of John Milton, 
at the First Church in Boston, on December 9, 1908, at four o'clock 
(a special report by the Committee in charge, republished from the 
Proceedings, with a reprint of the programme, Boston, 1909). 

Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society in commemora- 
tion of the Tercentenary of the Birth of John Milton, 9 December, 1908 
(a reprint from the Proceedings, Cambridge, 1909). 

The following list includes historical publications by Resi- 
dent Members during the past year: 

Adams, Charles Francis. " The Solid South " and the Afro- 
American Race Problem. Speech at the Academy of Music, 
Richmond, Virginia, Saturday evening, 24 October, 1908. 

Bigelow, Melville M., Editor. The Acts and Resolves, public and 
private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Volume XV. 

Channino, Edward. A History of the United States, Volume II., 
a Century of Colonial History, 1660-1760. 

Coolidge, Archibald Cary. The United States as a World Power. 

Davis, Andrew McFarland. Hints of Contemporary Life in the 
Writings of Thomas Shepard. Reprinted from the Publications 
of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Volume XII. 

■ — — John Harvard's Life in America, or social and political life in 
New England in 1637-1638. Reprinted from the Publications 
of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Volume XII. 


Green, Samuel A. Three Historical Addresses at Groton, Massa- 
chusetts. With an Appendix. 

Long, John D. Abraham Lincoln, an Address at the Centennial in 
Symphony Hall, Boston, February 12, 1909. 

Lowell, A. Lawrence. The Government of England. 

Matthews, Albert. The Snake Devices, 1754-1776, and the Con- 
stitutional Courant, 1765. Reprinted from the Publications of 
the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Volume XI. 

Uncle Sam. Reprinted from the Proceedings of the American 

Antiquarian Society, new series, Volume XIX. 

Editor. Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts. 

Volume X. Transactions, 1904-1906. 

Putnam, Frederic W. Forty-second Report of the Peabody Mu- 
seum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, 

Sheldon, George. Fort Ancient, Ohio. Was it a fortress ? Read 
before the Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association, Deerfield, 
February 23, 1909. 

The Pathfinder at Marietta, Ohio, in 1888. Reprinted from the 

Massachusetts Magazine. 

Storey, Moorfield. Abraham Lincoln. An address delivered at 
the Shawmut Congregational Church in Boston, on February 14, 

Warren, Winslow. Commemorative exercises in connection with 
the erection of a Memorial Tablet to George Sewall Boutwell in 
Groton Cemetery, May 15, 1908, Poem by William Roscoe 
Thayer. Address by Mr. Warren. 

Wendell, Barrett, The Privileged Classes. 

The report of the Treasurer, with the report of the Audit- 
ing Committee, was presented in print, as follows : 

Report of the Treasurer. 

In compliance with the requirements of the By-Laws, 
Chapter VII., Article 2, the Treasurer respectfully submits 
his Annual Report, made up to March 31, 1909. 

The special funds now held by the Treasurer are twenty- 
six in number. Of these special funds twenty-two were par- 
ticularly numbered and described in the Treasurer's report 
for the year ending March 30, 1907, printed in the Proceed- 
ings (third series, I. 6-25). The remaining special funds 
are numbered and described as follows : 



XXIII. The Waterston Library Fund. Under the will 
of Rev. Robert C. Waterston the sum of 110,000 was received, 
to be applied to the fitting up of a room or portion of a fire- 
proof building for the commodious and safe keeping of the 
Waterston Collection. A room was accordingly set apart for 
that purpose in the new building, and the larger part of the 
sum was expended in making it convenient and attractive. 
The balance of the legacy, now amounting to $3,875.14, is 
set apart as the Waterston Library Fund, and the income 
will be used in accordance with the terms of his will in add- 
ing books to the collection under the direction of the 

XXIV. The Chamberlain Fund. Under the will of the 
late Judge Mellen Chamberlain the Society received from his 
executors the sum of $10,062.01 as his bequest to this Society 
to defray the cost of publishing his History of Chelsea. This 
bequest has been treated as an open account, all payments on 
account of the history having been charged to it and the 
interest credited on the unexpended balance. The balance 
remaining after all the bills were paid was $971.25, and to 
that sum has been added the sum of $261.08, being the 
amount received to date from the sale of his History of 

In accordance with the opinion of my predecessor, as stated 
in his last report, this sum of $1,232.33 has been separately 
funded " as a perpetual memorial of the interest which our 
honored associate took in the work of the Society." 

XXV. The Salisbury Fund is a bequest to the Society 
of $5,000 under the will of the late Hon. Stephen Salisbury, 
of Worcester, a former associate, received in 1907. The in- 
come of this fund is applicable to the general purposes of the 

XXVI. The Sanford Fund is a bequest of $1,000 re- 
ceived the past year under the will of Hon. John E. Sanford, 
of Taunton, a former associate. The income of this fund is 
applicable to the general purposes of the Society. 

In addition to these special funds so enumerated there are 
two special investments, as follows : 

1. A deposit book in the Boston Five Cents Savings Bank 
for $100 and interest, which now amounts to $208.71, which is 
applicable to the care and preservation of the model of the 


Brattle Street Church, deposited with the Society in April, 

2. The second special deposit is the deposit book issued by 
the Provident Institution for Savings in the Town of Boston 
to Miss Maria Antoinette Parker, February 1, 1821. Includ- 
ing the gifts from our associate member Mr. Thomas Minns, 
as stated in my last report, the total amount of the fund so 
deposited is $1,000. The interest on this fund is to be used 
for the purchase of books for the Library. 

These two deposits now appear in the Treasurer's report as 
Special Investments, and the income received therefrom is not 
included in the consolidated income. 

In addition to the gifts and bequests represented by these 
funds a detailed account of the numerous gifts which have 
been made to the Society from time to time, and expended in 
the purchase of real estate or in promoting the objects for 
which the Society was organized, was included in the Annual 
Report of the Treasurer dated March 31, 1887, and printed in 
the Proceedings (second series, III. 291-296). The Treas- 
urer does not include the detailed statements of these gifts in 
his report of this year, believing that the reference to the 
volumes of the Proceedings in which the information respect- 
ing them is set forth in full will be sufficient for the purposes 
of the Society. 

The stocks and bonds held by the Treasurer as investments 
on account of the above-mentioned funds are as follows : 

$14,000 in the five per cent mortgage bonds of the Chicago and 
West Michigan Railroad Co., due 1921 ; 

$1,000 in a five per cent bond of the Chicago and North Michigan 
Railroad Co., due 1931 ; 

$5,000 in the four per cent bonds of the Rio Grande Western Rail- 
road Co., due 1939 ; 

$8,000 in the four per cent bonds of the Chicago, Burlington, and 
Quincy Railroad Co., due 1921 ; 

$2,000 in the four per cent bonds of the Chicago, Burlington, and 
Quincy Railroad Co., due 1922 ; 

$4,000 in the three and one-half per cent bonds of the Chicago, 
Burlington, and Quincy Railroad Co., due 1949 ; 

$5,000 in the five per cent gold bonds of the Cincinnati, Dayton, 
and Ironton Railroad Co., due 1941 ; 

$14,500 in the four per cent mortgage bonds of the Atchison, 
Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad Co., due 1995 ; 


$9,000 in the adjustment four per cent bonds of the Atchison, 
Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad Co., due 1995 ; 

$3,000 in the convertible four per cent bonds of the Atchison, 
Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad Co., due 1955; 

$13,000 in the five per cent collateral trust bonds of the Chicago 
Junction Railways and Union Stock Yards Co., due 1915 ; 

$10,000 in the five per cent bonds of the Oregon Short Line Railroad 
Co., due 1946; 

$30,000 in the five per cent bonds of the United Zinc and Chemical 
Co., due 1928, guaranteed; 

$10,000 in the four per cent bonds of the Oregon Short Line Railroad 
Co., due 1929; 

$12,000 in the five per cent bonds of the Lewiston-Concord Bridge Co., 
due 1924; 

$6,000 in the four and one-half per cent bonds of the Boston and 
Maine Railroad Co., due 1944 ; 

$10,000 in the four per cent bonds of the American Telephone and 
Telegraph Co., due 1929 ; 

$50,000 in the four per cent joint bonds of the Northern Pacific Rail- 
road Co. and the Great Northern Railroad Co., due 1921 ; 

$12,000 in the convertible five per cent bonds of the Kansas City- 
Stock Yards Co., due 1913 ; 

$6,000 in the four per cent bonds of the Long Island Railroad Co. 
due 1949 ; 

$12,000 in the four per cent bonds of the New York Central and 
Hudson River Railroad Co., due 1934 ; 

$10,000 in the four per cent bonds of the Bangor and Aroostook 
Railroad Co., due 1951 ; 

$22,000 in the four per cent bonds of the Burlington and Missouri 
River Railroad Co. in Nebraska, due 1910; 

$2,000 in the four per cent bonds of the Detroit, Grand Rapids and 
Western Railroad Co., due 1946 ; 

$9,000 in the four per cent bonds of the Fitchburg Railroad Co., due 

$3,000 in the five per cent bonds of the Kansas City, Clinton and 
Springfield Railroad Co., due 1925 ; 

$2,000 in the five per cent bonds of the Lowell, Lawrence and 
Haverhill Street Railway Co., due 1923 ; 

$6,000 in the four per cent bonds of the West End Street Railway 
Co., due 1915 ; 

$16,000 in the six per cent mortgage notes of G. St. L. Abbott, 
Trustee ; 

$3,500 in the mortgage note of A. & C. F. Ammand, guaranteed by 
Charles F. Adams ; 


$2,000 in five per cent note of Michigan Central Railroad, due 

$3,000 in five per cent note of American Telephone and Telegraph 
Co., due 1910; 

$5,000 in five per cent note of Pennsylvania Railroad, due 1910 ; 

Fifty shares in the Merchants' National Bank of Boston ; 

Fifty shares in the State National Bank of Boston ; 

Fifty shares in the National Bank of Commerce of Boston ; 

Fifty shares in the National Union Bank of Boston ; 

Fifty shares in the Second National Bank of Boston ; 

Twenty-five shares in the National Shawmut Bank of Boston ; 

Thirty-five shares in the Boston and Albany Railroad Co.; 

Twenty-five shares in the Old Colony Railroad Co. ; 

Twenty-five shares in the preferred stock of the Fitchburg Rail- 
road Co. ; 

One hundred and fifty shares in the preferred stock of the Chicago 
Junction Railways and Union Stock Yards Co. ; 

One hundred and fifty shares in the preferred stock of the American 
Smelting and Refining Co. ; 

One hundred and fifty-eight shares of the preferred stock of the 
Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad Co. ; 

Three hundred and two shares in the Kansas City Stock Yards Co. ; 

Ten shares in the Cincinnati Gas and Electric Co., received in ex- 
change for five shares in the Cincinnati Gas-Light and Coke Co. ; 

Six shares in the Boston Real Estate Trust (of the par value of $1,000); 

Five shares in the State Street Exchange ; and 

Three shares in the Pacific Mills (of the par value of $1,000). 

The net cost of these securities is $439,994.10 ; but their market value 
is much higher. 


Maria Antoinette Parker Fund of $1,000 in the Provident Institu- 
tion for Savings; 

Brattle Street Church Model Fund of $100 and interest, $108.71, 
making a total of $208.71, in the Boston Five Cents Savings Bank. 

The trial balance follows, and shows the present condition 
of the several accounts : 



March 31. Cash. $18,135.00 

Investments 439,994.10 

Real Estate 97,990.32 

General Account 6,036.52 




Building Account $72,990.32 

Ellis House 25,000.00 

Anonymous Fund 3,886.01 

Appleton Fund 12,203.00 

Wm. Amory Fund 3,000.00 

Erastus B. Bigelow Fund 2,000.00 

Robert C. Billings Fund 10,000.00 

Chamberlain Bequest 1,232.33 

Dowse Fund 10,000.00 

Ellis Fund 31,663.66 

Richard Frothingham Fund 3,000.00 

General Fund 43,427.43 

Lawrence Fund 3,000.00 

Lowell Fund 3,000.00 

Massachusetts Historical Trust Fund 10,000.00 

Peabody Fund 22,123.00 

Charlotte A. L. Sibley Fund 22,509.48 

John L. Sibley Fund 165,998.51 

Savage Fund 6,000.00 

Salisbury Fund 5,000.00 

Sanford Fund 1,000.00 

Waterston Publishing Fund 10,000.00 

Waterston Library Fund 3,936.69 

Waterston Fund 5,000.00 

Waterston Fund No. 2 10,000.00 

Thos. L. Winthrop Fund 2,364.66 

Robert C. Winthrop Fund 10,000.00 

William Winthrop Fund 5,000.00 

M. A. Parker Fund, Special Investment 1,000.00 

Income of Appleton Fund 5,506.15 

Income of William Amory Fund 1,555.73 

Income of E. B. Bigelow Fund 730.33 

Income of Robert C. Billings Fund 1,836.76 

Income of Richard Frothingham Fund ...... 2,496.56 

Income of Lawrence Fund 907.56 

Income of Lowell Fund 257.35 

Income of Massachusetts Historical Trust Fund . . . 4,729.71 

Income of Peabody Fund 5,638.21 

Income of John L. Sibley Fund 17,396.16 

Income of Savage Fund 346.49 

Income of Waterston Publishing Fund 4,315.13 

Income of Waterston Fund 908.75 

Income of Waterston Fund No. 2 ........ 5,107.83 

Income of Robert C. Winthrop Fund 4,815.75 

Income of William Winthrop Fund 1,025.57 

Income of M. A. Parker Fund . 47.48 

Income of John E. Sanford Fund 59.30 

Income of Thomas L. Winthrop Fund 140.03 

March 31, 1909. 



1909. DEBITS ' 

March 31. To sundry charges and payments : 

Librarian's Assistants $2,940.00 

Editor and Assistant 1,335.00 

Editing publications of the Society 420.00 

Engineer and Janitor 1,020.00 

Care of Building 109 10 

Treasurer's Accountant 600 00 

Printing and binding 616.82 

Stationery and postage 313.66 

Light 74.22 

Water 73.00 

Coal and wood 528.25 

Milton Tercentennial Celebration 722 56 

Heater and repairing 77.00 

Repairs on building 3,134.95 

Steel furniture 600.00 

Rent of safety vaults 50 00 

Painting 95.00 

Subscription to American bibliography 50.00 

Public Accountant 25.00 

Treasurer's bond 25.00 

Miscellaneous expenses 675.37 

$13, 384.93 

Balance old account ............ 28.61 


1909. CREDITS. 

March 31. By sundry receipts : 

Interest ................ $34.44 

Sales of publications 753.25 

Income of Dowse Fund 593.00 

Income of Ellis Fund 1,877.66 

Income of General Fund 2,576.05 

Income of Salisbury Fund 474.84 

Income of C. A. L. Sibley Fund . 1,067.78 

Balance brought down 6,036.52 


1908. DEBIT8 ' 

March 31. Balance on hand $2,931.91 

March 31. Receipts as follows : 

Consolidated income from investments 23,920.77 

Received account of J. E. Sanford Fund .... 1,000.00 

Received investments matured 35,209.79 

General account and sales 1,048.17 



1909. credits. 

March 31. By payments as follows: 

Investments $25,843.62 

General Account 13,384.93 

Paid account of incomes : 

Appleton Fund 65.07 

E. B. Bigelow Fund 68.50 

Chamberlain Bequest 2,155.04 

Peabody Fund 20.25 

C. A. L. Sibley Fund 267 08 

J. L. Sibley Fund 1,932.22 

Savage Fund 133.02 

Waterston Publishing Fund 1,372.58 

Waterston Library Fund 168 25 

Waterston Fund 429.88 

William Winthrop Fund 135 20 

Balance cash on hand 18,135.00 


The income for the year derived from the investments and 
credited to the several funds in proportion to the amount in 
which they stand on the Treasurer's books was nearly six per 

The present condition of the Society is shown in detail in 
the foregoing statements and abstracts; but it may be con- 
venient to give the summary in a single sentence. The real 
estate, which is entirely unincumbered, stands on the books 
at 197,990.32, but is valued by the city assessors at $196,000. 

The aggregate amount of the twenty-six permanent funds 
is 1402,571.66, which, together with unexpended balances and 
income, is represented by stocks and bonds costing $439,994.10 
and by $18,135 in cash. The increase in the funds of the 
Society over the amount reported in the report of the Treas- 
urer for last year is $10,279.38, which is made up of the $1,000 
received under the will of John E. Sanford and of the unex- 
pended income of the past year of $9,279.38. 

Arthur Lord, 


Boston, April 1, 1909. 

Report op the Auditing Committee. 

The undersigned, a committee appointed to examine the ac- 
counts of the Treasurer of the Massachusetts Historical So- 
ciety, as made up to March 31, 1909, have attended to that 


duty, and report that they find that the securities held by the 
Treasurer for the several funds correspond with the statement 
in his Annual Report. 

They have engaged the services of Mr. Henry A. Piper, a 
public accountant, who reports to them that he finds the ac- 
counts correctly kept and properly vouched, that the balance 
of cash on hand is satisfactorily accounted for, and that the 
trial balance is accurately taken from the Ledger. 

S. Lothrop Thorndike, ) n 

m ,, \ Committee, 

Thomas Minns, ) 

Boston, April 2, 1909. 

The Librarian read his report : 

Report of the Librarian. 

During the year there have been added to the Library : 

Books . 514 

Pamphlets . 1186 

Bound volumes of newspapers 26 

Unbound volumes of newspapers 33 

Broadsides 21 

Maps 5 

Manuscripts 85 

Bound volumes of manuscripts 30 

In all ... 1900 

Of the volumes added, 341 have been given, 106 bought, 
and 123 formed by binding. Of the pamphlets added, 899 
have been given, 281 bought, and 6 procured by exchange. 

From the income of the Savage Fund there have been 
bought 18 volumes and 199 pamphlets; and 34 volumes, con- 
taining 173 pamphlets, have been bound at the charge of the 
same fund. 

From the income of the John Langdon Sibley Fund there 
have been bought 17 volumes, 5 pamphlets, and 1 manuscript, 
all relating to Harvard College ; and 7 volumes of early im- 
prints have been bound and 2 volumes repaired at the charge 
of the same fund. From the Charlotte A. L. Sibley Fund 
there have been bought 68 volumes, 77 pamphlets, and 
1 manuscript ; and 9 volumes, to contain manuscripts, and 


1 volume, relating to the Tremont Street building of the 
Society, have been bound at the charge of the same fund. 

From the income of the William Winthrop Fund there 
have been bound 62 volumes, containing 298 pamphlets, 
and 34 volumes have been repaired at the charge of the 

From the income of the Erastus B. Bigelow Fund, 1 volume 
has been bought and 6 volumes of newspapers have been bound. 
From the income of the General Fund 4 volumes have been 

From the income of the Dowse Fund there have been 
bought 2 volumes. According to entries made in the printed 
catalogue of the Dowse Library, when the books were received 
in 1856, three volumes were missing. Of these the volumes 
bought furnish two of the missing titles and have been placed 
on the shelves. 

In the collection of manuscripts there are now 1244 volumes, 
192 unbound volumes, 108 pamphlets with manuscript notes, 
and 15,210 manuscripts. 

Of the books added to the Rebellion department, 16 volumes 
have been given and 16 bought ; and of the pamphlets added, 
14 have been given and 29 bought. There are now in the col- 
lection 3229 volumes, 6165 pamphlets, 489 broadsides, and 110 

A bookplate has been made for the Waterston Library by 
Mr. Sidney Lawton Smith, and impressions have already been 
placed in about one half of the collection. 

Under the authority of the Council, the land-title books, fifty- 
five volumes in, all, bequeathed to the Society by Nathaniel I. 
Bowditch, by his will proved April 27, 1861, are to remain with 
his nephew, Mr. Frederick C. Bowditch, until such time as 
either the Society or Mr. Bowditch wishes to end the agreement. 
Meanwhile the Society has the privilege of using the volumes 
in his office at all proper times. 

The Library nowcontains 50,947 volumes, 111,980 pamphlets, 
and 4776 broadsides. 

Respectfully submitted, 

Samuel A. Green, 


April 8, 1909. 


The Cabinet-Keeper submitted his report: 

Report of the Cabinet-Keeper. 

The following additions to the Cabinet have been received 
during the past year : 

Six political " tokens " r ; a print of " The Scotch Victory " inscribed 
" To the E — 1 of [Bute] Protector of our Liberties &c this Plate is 
Humbly Inscribed by L. Junius Brutus " 2 ; and a printed handkerchief 
commemorating the death of Washington. 2 Given by Samuel S. Shaw. 

Bird's Eye View of " Twentieth Century Boston," by Bert Poole, 
1907, published by the City of Boston Publicity and Information 
Bureau. Given by Samuel A. Green, M.D. 

A colored sketch of Fort Wagner, drawn by Henry Webber, ad- 
jutant in the 7th Regiment New Hampshire Volunteers, who was 
wounded in the attack on the fort. Given by Owen Bryant. 

A heliotype of Captain John Linzee, 3 of the Royal Navy, who com- 
manded the sloop-of-war " Falcon " at the Battle of Bunker Hill. 
Given by Francis H. Brown, M.D. 

An enlarged heliotype portrait of Captain John Linzee, 8 from the 
one mentioned above. Given by John Collins Warren, M.D. 

An oil painting, by Gilbert Stuart Newton, of Hon. Stephen Hig- 
ginson, 4 whose son, Stephen Higginson, Jr., was a member of this 
Society for nearly ten years. The original painting by Gilbert Stuart 
is owned by George Higginson, of Lenox. Given by Edward Higginson. 

An oil painting of Hon. James Sullivan, 5 first President of the So- 
ciety from 1791 to 1806, painted by Gilbert Stuart in 1807. Bequest 
of Richard Sullivan. 

A scrap-book containing a collection of 419 Rebellion envelopes, 
issued in the year 1861. Given by Miss Lucy Sprague Sampson. 

Two medals, 6 one of Independence Hall, Philadelphia, and the other 
of the Pan American Exposition at Buffalo in 1901. Given by Gren- 
ville H. Norcross. 

A photographic enlargement of the half-tone likeness of John Mil- 
ton 7 from which the cut in the programme of the Tercentenary of his 
birth, on December 9, 1908, and in the special report of the commem- 
oration, was made. This framed picture stood in the chancel of the 

1 3 Proceedings, i. 450 ; 2 452. 

3 See ante, 1 ; and Proceedings of the Bunker Hill Monument Association for 
June 17, 1908, where it appears as an insert. 

4 This was formally presented at the November meeting by T. W. Higginson, 
our associate member, a grandson. See ante, 15, 16. 

5 At the time of its receipt, the November meeting, a descriptive statement was 
made by Dr. Green. See ante, 16, 17. 

6 See ante, 15; 7 48,68. 


First Church during the exercises on that occasion, and was prepared 
for this purpose under the direction of the committee of arrangements. 
Three original drawings in ink and pencil : 

I. " View of Charles Town from Copse-Hill Battery. 25 Nov. 
1775," drawn by " S. Biggs, Marines " ; 

II. " View of Boston Lines," apparently by the same officer, though 
not signed ; 

III. " (1) Charles Town & Entrenchment on the Heights. (2) The 
Rebels Redoubt & Entrench 1 y e 17 th June since demolished. (3) The 
diff 1 Lines & Works of the Rebels. (4) Our Works &c. The Rebels 
. . . taken Nov. 28 th , 1775," by an officer on the British side. Bought 
from the income of the Waterston Fund. 

Respectfully submitted, 

Gbenville H. Norcross, 

Boston, April 8, 1909. 

Mr. Swift read the report of the Committee appointed to 
examine the Library and Cabinet : 

Report of the Committee on the Library and Cabinet. 

Every facility for full examination has been courteously 
extended to your Committee by Dr. Green, the Librarian, his 
assistants, and by Mr. Norcross, the Cabinet-Keeper. Some 
of the observations that we shall make have already been 
made in previous reports, while some others have presented 
themselves freshly to us as worthy of note, and we therefore 
bring them to the attention of the Society, because we believe 
that such a report as this should be made in good faith and 
not as a mere matter of routine. 

The Library, as it stands, seems to be in good condition 
and scrupulously cared for. The 51,000 volumes and 112,000 
pamphlets are arranged, for the most part, on fire-proof (ordi- 
narily speaking) shelves, and well protected from the usual 
enemies of books, excessive heat and dust. The valuable 
work of protecting ancient newspapers by inserting them, 
scrap-book style, between large manilla sheets, and then bind- 
ing them in a strong, uncostly way, goes on satisfactorily. 
We hope that this improved method of preserving all files of 
early Boston newspapers will be diligently continued. 

We notice that the wooden presses, to which attention has 


already been called in preceding reports, still remain. The 
Committee will fall short of its obligation if it fails to remind 
the Society that this perishable furniture is a menace to prop- 
erty which is really held as a sort of trust for future genera- 
tions. A fire is always a possibility, and prudence suggests 
that means should be taken to reduce this possibility to a min- 
imum, and to remove from the Library as far as practicable all 
combustible material. We therefore hope that the Society will 
see its way to secure estimates for the installation of steel 
shelves to replace these threatening and cumbrous presses. 
As far as we can see, the manuscripts rest securely, though it 
may be a question whether, in consideration of the great value 
of these collections, they ought not eventually to find lodgment 
in a safe large enough to hold them and the other greater 
treasures of the collection. 

The condition of the reserve and duplicate rooms is most 
gratifying. Cleanliness and order, unusual in such out-of-the- 
way places, affect one agreeably. Here will be found many 
volumes which might be disposed of advantageously to other 
institutions by gift, sale, or exchange, or in any other suitable 
way, — but disposed of. We are in full accord with the Pres- 
ident's forcible remarks on this matter as printed in the Pro- 
ceedings for October, 1908, page 5. In an examination of the 
older portion of the Library we find, among other similar ma- 
terial, some one hundred and fifty copies of "Massachusetts 
and its Early History," published by the Society about forty 
years ago. Not more than a small number of libraries of this 
State have ever received copies of this excellent work, and we 
suggest that the Society would do well to present a consider- 
able portion of the remaining copies to such Massachusetts 
libraries as can really use them. We noticed, also, some piles 
of duplicates of old numbers of magazines, — for instance, the 
North American Review. When a library already has a file, 
such duplicates are of no value and may properly be thrown 
away, or sent to dealers who can make use of such material. 
They have no utility whatever, present or future. 

From a purely business point of view, it would be profitable 
to organize a careful system of exchange of old newspaper 
duplicates, for it would thus be possible to secure numbers 
wanted for our files and at the same time rid ourselves of 
slowly perishing material. It may be, however, that valuable 


newspaper duplicates will so increase in value by holding for 
some years that they may be eventually sold for a considerable 
sum ; this sum might properly be funded with the end in view 
of devoting the income particularly to the care and acquisition 
of early newspapers. 

This Society is indeed fortunate in having fairly distinct 
limitations to its aims, for it may properly rid itself of or re- 
fuse to accumulate books not properly germane to its purpose. 
But to discard should be only a part of the policy of growing 
stronger. It is evident to the Committee that more books of 
a general sort, necessary to historical investigations, are a real 
need. For instance, if we are to have Mr. Bryce's and Mr. 
Lowell's books on government, we also need the works of 
Dr. Stubbs. The commoner and the greater books should be 
here, for they are indeed only the kitchen utensils of good 
scholarly housekeeping. It is probably safe to trust to a kind 
future for the acquisition by gift — the true means of growth 
for such a library — of the older and more costly works, but 
the present-day tools of trade should be bought, since they are 
not so likely to be given. An increment of only five hundred 
volumes a year, even when dependent upon gifts alone, is small 
for an institution of this importance. 

One feature of the Library — the Card Catalogue — deserves 
mention because, like other useful things, it is too often taken 
for granted. It comprises about 150,000 cards, containing 
entries of the books, by authors, subjects, and occasionally 
titles. With every temptation to expand these titles biblio- 
graphically, owing to the rarity and interest of many of the 
books, the Librarian and his assistants have wisely contented 
themselves with brevity and condensation. As a result they 
have compressed a vast deal of information into a remarkably 
small compass in comparison with the practice of other large 
libraries. The Boston Public Library, for instance, requires 
about 1,800 running feet of cards to contain its titles of about 
800,000 volumes, while the Society's catalogue requires only 
about 160 running feet for nearly one fifth as many volumes, 
— a gain in space of considerable magnitude, practically a 
saving of more than half the space proportionately to the 
relative size of the two libraries. The cards of the Civil-War 
collection, as well as the books themselves, are kept sepa- 
rately, and represent a choice and useful possession. 


Your Committee shares the desires of the Cabinet-Keeper to 
make his treasures more valuable and useful by giving them 
more room. A proper display is impossible at present in the 
main exhibition room, which, through the fault of no one, has 
the appearance of an over-crowded shop, more inviting to the 
historic imagination of a Hawthorne than to present-day vis- 
itors. We hope that the plan of Mr. Norcross for an extension 
of this room will eventually receive the attention it deserves. 
Such an addition, with a lighted top or dome, would give a 
chance to display the Society's oil portraits to advantage. At 
present they are sadly deprived of proper light and distance, 
though in some few cases obscurity is not undesirable. Your 
Committee does not hesitate to call attention to the fact that 
were some of the more popular curiosities — for such they 
are — and some of the better pictures removed from this 
crowded room and displayed in Ellis Hall during the summer 
months, when few members are in town and when visitors 
most abound, the Society would be doing a serviceable thing 
to this community and to the strangers who flock eastward to 
see just such memorials of our past. 

If the Society should ever welcome into its ranks a member 
qualified to take charge, under the general control of the 
Cabinet-Keeper, of the small but excellent collection of coins 
and medals, this detached but not unimportant feature would 
be in better case. 

Your Committee now closes this report with the conviction 
that the Society would lose nothing of its prestige and relin- 
quish no hold on the honorable trust imposed upon it and 
observed so long and so faithfully, if, unaffected by sensational 
methods, it were gradually to expand its usefulness to the 
end that it may stand in public opinion as necessarily con- 
servative, yet ready to bear its part in helpful service to this 

Respectfully submitted, 

Lindsay Swift, 1 

Edward H. Clement, j- Committee. 

Frederic Winthrop, J 

Mr. Paine, for the Committee to nominate Officers, presented 
a list of names for the ensuing year, and the following gentle- 
men were elected : 


For President. 

For Vice-Presidents. 



For Recording Secretary. 

For Corresponding Secretary. 

For Treasurer. 

For Librarian. 

For Cabinet-Keeper. 

For Members at Large of the Council. 

Dr. Green having been chosen to two offices, William R. 
Livermore, on motion of Mr. Paine, was elected an additional 
member of the Council to make the number thirteen. 

Dr. Everett then read a letter to his father, Hon. Edward 
Everett, as chairman of the committee to procure the statue 
of Joseph Warren, by Edward F. Sise, dated at Portsmouth, 
May 27, 1857, enclosing for his acceptance a manuscript. 
This manuscript, which was printed in 1775, Dr. Everett 
presented to the Society. 

There were two issues made of this " Oration " at the time. 
The one, in a quarto, of nine pages, believed to have come 
from the originators of the event and therefore of Tory or loyal 
origin, has the following title, " An Oration delivered March 
Fifteenth, 1775. At the Request of a Number of the Inhabi- 
tants of the Town of Boston. By Dr Thomas Bolton. . . . 
Printed in the Year, M,DCC,LXXV." 

A second issue, in octavo, of eight pages, has an explanatory 

1909.] MILTON'S " PARADISE LOST," 1667. 257 

" Advertisement," on the verso of the titlepage, in which it is 
stated that " in ridicule of the anniversary [March 5, when 
Dr. Warren delivered the oration], . . . The officers of the 
army and the tories of the town proposed another annual 
meeting on the 15th of March, with the delivery of an oration 
— Wherein the forms of that of the 5th were to be imitated, 
burlesqued, and ridiculed. The following is the impudent 
oration delivered on that occasion." This pamphlet was 
issued after June 17 probably by persons opposed to the 
loyalists. Both pamphlets are in the Library of the Boston 
Athenaeum, and contain at the end " The Boston Whig- 
Maker" in verse. 

The manuscript states that the u Oration " was delivered 
" from the Coffee house " ; and according to the " Letters and 
Diary of John Rowe," page 290, under date of March 15, 1775, 
it was read " from M rs Cordis' Balcony," which was probably 
the same place. Sabin, in his " Dictionary of Books relating 
to America" (II. 270) under the title of the " Oration," says, 
" This oration was delivered from the balcony of the British 
CofTee-House, by a gentleman disguised, to a crowded audi- 
ence of officers, Tories, etc., in ridicule of that delivered by 
Dr. Warren." 

Mr. Norcross exhibited a cop} r of the first edition of 
Milton's " Paradise Lost," dated 1667, containing a titlepage 
different from any heretofore described, of which a fac-simile 
is given. He said : 

In the will of Nathaniel Ingersoll Bowditch, dated March 
11, 1859, and proved in Norfolk County Probate Court, April 
27, 1861, the 22d item reads: "To my brother William I. 
Bowditch, who is a great admirer of Milton, I give nry copy of 
Milton's Paradise Lost, the original edition of A. D. 1667." 

William Ingersoll Bowditch died at Brookline, January 24, 
1909, and this book is loaned to me by Frederick C. Bowditch, 
the executor of his will. The book has the bookplate of N. I. 
Bowditch, his signature and date 1844, and contains the title- 
page and poem only. This titlepage is the same as that 
described in a recent bibliography as the " eighth binding of 
the first edition," 1 with the very important exception of the 

1 Milton Tercentenary, the Portraits, Prints and Writings of John Milton 
exhibited at Christ's College, Cambridge, 1908. 



Paradife loft. 






The Author 


Printed by & Simmons, and are to be fold by 

T. Udder, at the Angel in Zz'«/e Brittain, 

16 6 7. 

cm i in— 


date, which is two years earlier, — the year of the first issue 
of the poem. 

This copy disproves the statement made in several of the 
catalogues that the name of S. Simmons first appears as the 
printer on the titlepage in the issue of 1668, of which this 
Society has two copies, in the Dowse Library and the Waterston 

Mr. Ford submitted some facts bearing on the authorship of 
"New Englands First Fruits " : 

In 1643 there was published in England a tract of twenty- 
six pages bearing the following title : 

New | Englands | First Fruits ; | in respect, | 
( Conversion of some, ) 
First of the •< Conviction of divers, > of the Indians. \ 
( Preparation of sundry, ) 

2. Of the progresse of Learning, in the Colledge at | Cambridge, in 
Massacusets Bay. | With | Divers other speciall Matters concerning 
that Countrey. | Published by the instant request of sundry Friends, 
who desire | to be satisfied in these points by many New- England Men 
| who are here present, and were Eye or Eare- | witnesses of the same. 
. . . London, | Printed by R. and G. D. for Henry Overton, and 
are to be | sold at his Shop in Popes-head- Alley. 1643. 

The first section (pp. 1-11, there are numerous mispagings) 
is devoted to "New Englands First Fruits: 1. In respect of 
the Indians, &c." and was not reprinted by the Society in 
1792 (1 Collections I. 242). If a conjecture can be made as 
to the authorship of this particular part, I would assign it to 
Henry Dunster. Considering the intentions of the original 
Company to make the conversion of the Indians a leading feat- 
ure of their undertaking, there is a strange silence on the sub- 
ject in the records, both as to methods, agents and results. 
In fact one of the complaints made against the Colony was its 
neglect of the religious condition of the natives. The Indians 
themselves were surprised, and expressed themselves on that 
point. Thirteen years after Winthrop had landed, the appli- 
cation of some Indians to be taken under the protection of the 
English led to framing some general conditions, to which the 
natives were to subscribe, and in 1644 the General Court took 


action towards civilizing the Indians within its jurisdiction and 
instructing them in religion. 1 The Elders were then called 
upon to give their views of what should be done, 2 and near the 
close of 1646, two ministers were to be chosen every year 
by the Elders of the churches to go, with any who would 
freely offer themselves, among the Indians and in most familiar 
manner, by the help of some able interpreter, teach and con- 
vert them. This was the origin of Eliot's mission, though he 
may already have engaged in it without such recognition from 
the General Court. For he is said to have studied the Indian 
language for two years before he preached in the native tongue, 
making use of an Indian who had served as a servant in an 
English house. 3 Thus it was not until towards the end of 
1646 that we have definite information of Eliot's work. Even 
if an allowance is made of the two years needed to master the 
language, it would still be too late for Eliot to be concerned 
in preparing the " First Fruits." 

It is supposed that John Wilson was associated with Eliot 
in his first missionary journey ; 4 but we have no evidence of 
Wilson's being so interested in the work as to have actively 
engaged in it. Apart from him there is no name that imme- 
diately suggests itself. 5 But Lechford published his " Plain 
Dealing " in 1642, and he there states : 

Master Henry Dunster, Schoolmaster of Cambridge, deserves com- 
mendations above many ; he hath the plat-forme and way of conversion 
of the Natives, indifferent right, and much studies the same, wherein 

i November 19, 1644. 

2 October 1, 1645. 

3 This Indian was living in 1649. Eliot then said : " There is an Indian living 
with Mr. Richard Calicott, of Dorchester, who was taken in the Pequott Warres, 
though belonging to Long Island ; this Indian is ingenious, can read ; and I taught 
him to write, which he quickly learnt, though I know not what use he now mak- 
eth of it : He was the first that I made use of to teach me words, and to be my 
Interpreter." — Winslow, The Glorious Progresse of the Gospel, 19. 

Mr. Charles Deane falls into an error when he interprets "Wood (" New Eng- 
land's Prospect," ch. xviii.) as referring to Eliot, when he speaks of " one 
of the English Preachers " who had spent much time in attaining to the lan- 
guage of the Indians. Wood left the country in 1633, and published his book in 
1634 ; he was thus writing at least ten years before Eliot began to study the 
language and some three years before the Pequot war. 

* Palfrey, ii. 190. 

5 Edward Jackson, who came to the colony in 1643, is closely connected with 
the reporting of Eliot's talks with the Indians ; but we cannot connect^ him with 
any earlier meetings, of a like character. 


yet he wants not opposition, as some other also have met with : He will, 
without doubt prove an instrument of much good in the Countrey, being 
a good Scholar, and having skil in the Tongues ; He will make it good, 
that the way to instruct the Indians, must be in their owne language, 
not English ; and that their language may be perfected. 1 

Inasmuch as the second part of the tract is concerned with 
the college, Dimster must have supplied material and may- 
have prepared the statement. This part is signed " Your very 
loving friends" and is dated from " Boston, in New England, 
September the 26, 1642." This manner of signing does not 
preclude the possibility of the report being the work of one 
man. Welde, writing from London on the progress of his 
mission, addresses his letter to " Much Honored, and Reverend, 
Fathers and Brethren." 2 The overseers of the college named 
in the first printed copy of the Theses (1642), were John 
Cotton, John Wilson, John Davenport, Thomas Welde, Hugh 
Peter, and Thomas Shepard. 3 It was very likely that the 
section on the college was prepared by Dunster and signed by 
the overseers, or a committee of them — two of the six being 
abroad, and to that board or committee Welde reported. 

A third part gives an account of some of the remarkable 
advantages offered to settlers by New England. It is written 
in the first person plural, and displays an intimate personal 
knowledge of the actual conditions and recent events in 
Massachusetts Bay. I was particularly struck with the para- 
graphs relating to the Pequot war and the antinomian troubles, 
which may be quoted : 

4. In giving us such peace and freedome from enemies, when almost 
almost all the world is on a fire that (excepting that short trouble with 
the Pequits) we never heard of any sound of Warres to this day. 
And in that Warre which we made against them Gods hand from 
heaven was so manifested, that a very few of our men, in a short 
time, pursued through the Wildernesse, slew and took prisoners about 
1400 of them, even all they could find, to the great terrour and amaze- 
ment of all the Indians to this day: so that the name of the Pequits 
(as of Amaleck) is blotted out from under heaven, there being not one 
that is, or, (at least) dare call himselfe a Pequit. 

5. In subduing those erronious opinions carryed over from hence by 

1 Page 53. See 4 Collections, i. 251. 

2 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxvi. 39. 

3 New England's First Fruits, 18. 


some of the Passengers, which for a time infested our Churches peace 
but (through the goodness of God) by conference preaching, a generall 
assembly of learned men, Magistrates timely care, and lastly, by Gods 
own hand from heaven, in most remarkable stroaks upon some of the 
chief fomenters of them ; the matter came to such an happie conclusion, 
that most of the seduced came humbly and confessed their Errours in 
our publique Assemblies and abide to this day constant in the Truth; 
the rest (that remained obstinate) finding no fit market there to vent their 
wares, departed from us to an Hand farre off; some of whom also since 
that time have repented and returned to us, and are received againe 
into our bosomes. And from that time not any unsound, unsavourie 
and giddie fancie have dared to lift up his head, or abide the light 
among us (p. 21). 

The paragraph numbered 5 gives the strong bias of the 
writers in favor of the administration of the colony, and on a 
question or dispute of nearly five years' standing. They refer 
to the troubles arising from the case of Mrs. Hutchinson, and 
show a familiarity with the events that followed her banish- 
ment. This tract appeared one year before the " Short Story," 
in which the Hutchinson trial was given in such detail, and 
while it could have been compiled by the college overseers, I 
am strongly of the belief that it was written in England, and 
I see no reason for doubting that it was prepared by either 
Hugh Peter or Thomas Welde, both of whom had taken an 
active share in the proceedings against Mrs. Hutchinson, and 
were at this time in England. 1 The paragraph expresses 
what a firm supporter of the conduct of the so-called trial and 
the sentence would say, and brief as it is, the statement con- 
tains everything necessary to justify the suppression of 
" erroneous opinions." 

Having narrowed the question down to two probable writers, 

1 It is possible to read into some of the phrases of this section of the " First 
Fruits " the preparation of it in England, and the fact that the writer had some 
knowledge of Holland. The cold of New England is said to be " not a moist and 
foggie cold as in Holland, and some parts of England" (p. 25). In reply to the objec- 
tion that " many are grown weaker in their estates since they went over," it is 
said " Are not diverse in London broken in their Estates 1 " ; and 8th objection 
reads " Why doe many come away from thence ? " and in the reply " hither " is 
used (p. 26). Finally, the sending of poor children and of servants and instru- 
ments to work the iron mines is mentioned. John Winthrop, the younger, 
returned to New England in 1643, with money and workmen to start iron works. 
— Winthrop, ii. 212. It will be recalled that he accompanied the commissioners 
to England in 1641. 


further evidence may be sought in another direction. The 
statement of the advantages offered by the colony soon passes 
from numbered reasons to a series of "objections" and "an- 
swers." Welde's " Innocency Cleared " is cast in the same 
form. 1 On the titlepage of the " First Fruits " we read 
" Published by the instant request," etc. ; and the titlepage of 
the " Short Story" imitates the language thus : u Published at 
the instant request of sundry, by one that was an eye and 
ear-witnesse of the carriage of matters there." The two 
titlepages are both very long, and on much the same model, 
and each contains two quotations from Scripture, naturally 
different by reason of the subjects treated in the books. Lastly, 
comparing the words on the Hutchinson matter used in the 
u First Fruits " with those on the titlepage of the " Short 
Story " this parallel results : 

" First Fruits " « Short Story » 

... by a general assembly of ... by the Assembly of Minis- 
learned men, Magistrates timely care, ters there : As also of the Magis- 
aud lastly, by Gods own hand from trates proceedings in Court against 
heaven, in most remarkable stroaks them. Together with Gods strange 
upon some of the chief fomenters of and remarkable judgments from 
them . . . Heaven upon some of the chief 

fomenters . . . 

I conclude that Thomas Welde and Hugh Peter were the 
authors of the third part of the " First Fruits," and that 
Welde was more active in its preparation and printing than 

In making this excursion into conjectures I took off the 
names of printers and publishers in England who were active 
in putting forth the various religious and controversial tracts 
written by New Englanders, and appearing from the press be- 
tween the years 1642 and 1646. The Massachusetts court in 
1645 passed its vote recalling its agents, but neither Welde nor 
Peter ever returned to America. This naturally limits the period 
to be covered, and the field was further limited to such publica- 
tions as were on the side of New England's policy in church or 
state. The result surprised me by showing to what degree 
the publication was in a comparatively few names. It is not 

1 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxvi. 67. 




impossible that the larger number of those publications passed 
through the hands of Peter and Welde. A great reason for 
this activity was the dispute raging in England over religious 
toleration, and iu this controversy the two Xew Englanders 
were very active. 1 

Peter. Welde, and Hibbins reached England in the fall of 
1641. In that year three tracts of Cotton's (not counting his 
" Abstract of the Laws '") were issued in London, one of them 
without a printer's name. His •• Way of Life " was printed 
by M. F. for L. Fawne and S. Gellibrand. and his " God's 
Alercie mixed with Ivstice," by G. M. for Edward Brewster, 
and Henry Hood. William Hooke's " Xew England's Teares " 
was twice printed, once by E. G. and again by T. P. 2 and in 
each case, for John Rothwell and Henry Overton. Peter also 
printed his " Milke for Babes and Meat for Men'" by E. P. 
for J. W, Arbers " Stationer's Register," shows that Overton 
published from 1629, and he put forth many religious works, 
notably sermons of Dr. John Stoughton. In this last under- 
taking (1639) Ralph Smith was one of his associates. 

Beo-innins; with 1642 and continuinsf through 1646, we find 
publications by Cotton. Huit, Richard Mather, Welde, Phillips. 
Hooke. Hooker, and Winslow, all Xew England men. Of the 
nineteen titles noted, eleven were printed for Henry Overton. 
One of Welde's and the only issue by Peter were published 
by Overton, and the second tract of Welde ("Short Story'') 
was printed for Ralph Smith, who. as has been shown, was 
associated with Overton. Second in importance was Matthew 
Simmons, and third was Benjamin Allen, whose widow printed 
some of the so-called Indian tracts. This is a feature of the 
bibliography of that period which has not yet been studied. 
The following are the nineteen titles: 

Cotton. John. The Churches Resurrection. 
0. and G. D. for Henry Overton. 

1642. Printed bv R. 

1 See C. F. Adams, Antinomianism in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 25 
et seq. 

2 Arber's invaluable " Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Sta- 
tioners of London, 1554-1640," prints the Second Star Chamber Decree regulating 
Printing. July 11, 1637, in which are named the " Twentie Master Printers " who 
were to be permitted to ply this trade. As there was little change between 1637 
and 1640 it is safe to assign the following names to the initials just given in the 
text: Miles Flesher (1617-1640), George Miller (1618-1640), Edward Griffin 
(1637-1640), and Thomas Purslow (1637- ). 


G. D. was probably Gregory Dexter, who printed Roger 
Williams' M Key into the Language of America," in 1643. R. O. 
was Richard Oulton. 

Cotton, John. The Powring ovt of the Seven Vials : 1642. Printed 
for R. S. and are to be sold by H. Overtons shop in Popes-head 

" To the Christian Reader," signed, I. H. 

Reissued in 1646, with same printer and seller. R. S. was prob- 
ably Ralph Smith, printer of Welde's " Short Story," in 1644. 

Cotton, John. A Modest and Cleare Answer to Mr. Ball's Dis- 
course of set formes of Prayer. 1642. Printed by R. O. and 
G. D. for Henry Overton, in Popes Head Alley. 

Huit, Ephraim [Pastor to the church at Windsor in New-England.] 
The Whole Prophecie of David explained. 1643. Printed for 
Henry Overton, and are to be sold at his Shop, entering into 
Popes-head Alley. 

Mather, Richard. Church-Government and Church-Covenant dis- 
cussed. 1643. Printed by R. O. and G. D. for Benjamin Allen, 
and are to be sold at his Shop in Popeshead- Alley. 
" To the Reader," by Hugh Peter. 

[Mather, Richard.] An Apologie of the Churches in New England 
for Chvrch- Covenant. 1643. Printed by T. P. and M[atthew] 
SRmmons] for Benjamin Allen. 

New England's First Fruits. 1643. Printed by R. 0. and G. D. for 
Henry Overton, and are to be sold at his Shop in Popes-head- Alley. 

Cotton, John. The Keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven. 1644. 
Printed by M. Simmons for Henry Overton. 

Mather, Richard. A Modest and Brotherly Answer to Mr. Charles 
Herle his Book. 1644. Printed for Henry Overton. 

A Paraenetick or Humble Addresse to the Parliament and Assembly 
for (not loose, but) Christian Libertie. 1644. Printed by 
Matthew Simmons for Henry Overton, in Popes-Head-Alley. 

Attributed to Roger Williams. Three of his books were issued in 
this year without name of printers, and two of these were issued 
without name of author. 

Welde, Thomas. An Answer to W. R[athband]. 1644. Printed 
by Thomas Paine for H. Overton, and are to be sold at his shop 
entering into Popes-Head Alley out of Lumbard-Streete. 

[Welde, Thomas]. A Short Story of the Rise, reign and ruine of 
the Antiuomians, &c. 1644. Printed for Ralph Smith at the 
signe of the Bible in Cornhill neare the Royall Exchange. 

A Brief Narration of the Practices of the Churches in New England. 
1645. Matthew Simmons for John Rothwell, and are to be sold 
at his shop at the signe of the Sunne, in Pauls Church-yard. 





Cotton, John. The way of the Churches of Christ in New England. 
1645. Printed by Matthew Simmons, in Aldersgate-Streete. 

Hooke, William. New-England's Sence of Old England and Ire- 
lands Sorrowes. 1645. Printed for John Roth well. 

Hooker, Thomas. A briefe Exposition of the Lords Prayer. 1645. 
Printed by Moses Belle for Benjamine Allen, and are to be sold 
at his shop in Popes-head Alley at the signe of the Crowne. 

Phillips, George [of Watertown, Mass.]. A Reply to a Confuta- 
tion of Some Grounds for Infants Baptisme. 1645. Printed by 
M. Simmons for H. Overton. 

"To the Reader," by Thomas Shepard. Shepard's "New- 
England's Lamentation for Old England's present Errors," was 
printed in 1645 by George Miller; and his "Day Breaking," in 
1647, by Richard Cotes for Fulk Clifton. Clifton was seller of 
Hooker's " Soules Implantation " printed in 1640 by R. Young. 

Winslow, Edward. Hypocrisie Vnmasked. 1646. Printed by 
Richard Cotes for John Bellamy at the three Golden Lions in 
Cornhill, neare the Royall Exchange. 

The same printer and publisher issued his " New England's 
Salamander" in 1647. In this latter year Cotton's " Bloudy 
Tenent washed " and " Singing of Psalms on Gospel-Ordinance " 
were printed by Matthew Simmons for Hannah Allen ; but his 
" Grovnds and Ends of the Baptisme of the Children of the Faith- 
full " was printed by R[ichard] C[otes] for Andrew Crooke, " at 
the Sign of the Green Dragon in Pauls-churchyard." 

Peter, Hugh. Mr. Peters Last Report of the English Wars. 1646. 
Printed by M[atthew] S[immons] for H. Overton. 

Mr. Ford also submitted two papers oh the incident of 
defacing the ensign in 1634, at Salem : 

In November, 1634, complaint was made to the Court of As- 
sistants that the ensign at Salem had been defaced by cutting 
out one part of the red cross. Ensign Richard Davenport was 
thereupon directed to appear at the next Court with his colors, 
and with " any other " that hath defaced the said colors. 1 
Winthrop says : 

Much matter was made of this, as fearing it would be taken as an act 
of rebellion, or of like nature, in defacing the king's colors ; though the 
truth were, it was done upon this opinion, that the red cross was given 
to the king of England by the pope, as an ensign of victory, and so a 
superstitious thing, and a relique of anti christ. 2 

i Colonial Records, i. 133. 

2 Winthrop, i. *146. 

1909.] THE ENSIGN AT SALEM. 267 

James Cudworth, writing to England from Scituate, in De- 
cember, 1634, took the matter in all seriousness, thus : 

One thinge I canot but relate and that not only with grefe for and 
with feare of what will bee the event of a strange thinge put in practice 
by sum in the Church of Salem but by whome I heare not and that is 
they have cut out the Crose in the flage or Ansient that they Cari before 
them when they treyne, inded it is contrary to the mindes and willes 
of all that I cann heare of. Captaine Indicot there Captaine is a holy 
honest man and dus utterly abandon it and who are the Aegeentes in 
it I cannot heare. 1 

As no Court was held in the three winter months, the sub- 
ject did not come before the magistrates till March, 1635. In 
the meantime all the ministers except Nathaniel Ward, of 
Ipswich, were asked by the magistrates to give an opinion on 
the lawfulness of carrying the cross in the banners. The 
opinion was so divided that a decision was deferred. 2 The 
General Court was no less incapable of coming to a conclusion 
upon the matter. Endecott was called to answer for defacing 
the cross ; but " because the Court could not agree about the 
thing, whether the ensigns should be laid by, in regard that 
many refused to follow them/' the cause was deferred, and in 
the meantime all ensigns should be laid aside. 3 In the margin 
of the Court records is noted " Mr. Endicott censure," but no 
censure was passed upon him. The resolution speaks of the 
" act of Mr. Endicott " in altering the cross, 4 thus fixing the 
responsibility, in spite of what Dr. Cudworth says. 

In the May Court Endecott was dropped from the magistrates, 
and a committee of thirteen was named to report upon his of- 
fence. This committee was named by each town's choosing 
one, and the magistrates four. A report was made an hour or 
two after, and, as given in the Colony Records, came to this 
end : 

. . . they apprehend hee had offended therein many wayes, in rash- 
nes, vncharitablenes, iudiscrecon, and exceeding the lymitts of his call- 
ing ; wherevpon the Court hath sensured him to be sadly admonished 
for his offence, w ch accordingly he was, and also disinabled for bearing 
any office in the comon wealth, for the space of a yeare nexte ensueing. 5 

1 Historical Collections, Essex Institute, ix. pt. ii. 85. 

2 Winthrop, i. *154 ; 3 *156. 

4 Colonial Records, i. 137. 

5 Colonial Records, i. 146. The names of the committee are given on page 145. 


Winthrop is a little more full in defining some of the adjec- 
tives used : 

. . . rash and without discretion, taking upon him more authority 
than he had, and not seeking advice of the court, etc. ; uncharitable, iu 
that he, judging the cross, etc., to be a sin, did content himself to have 
reformed it at Salem, not taking care that others might be brought out 
of it also ; laying a blemish also upon the rest of the magistrates, as if 
they would suffer idolatry, etc., and giving occasion to the state of Eng- 
land to think ill of us ; . . . [here follows the sentence] declining any 
heavier sentence, because they were persuaded he did it out of tenderness 
of conscience, and not of any evil intent. 1 

Here ended the incident so far as the Colony records are con- 
cerned. Among the Harleian Manuscripts in the British Mu- 
seum (No. 4888, folio 86) is a paper which from its catalogue title 
I supposed to be a satirical skit upon the matter. Upon reading 
it I found that it soon drops the tone of the introductory portion, 
and becomes a plain summary of the arguments on either side 
of the question. From this I should judge that the first part 
was added by some one in England, and this is partially con- 
firmed by the note which attributes the defacing of the stand- 
ard to Sir Henry Vane, a mistake that no New Englander 
could have committed. This Harleian manuscript is now 
printed for the first time. 

The second part of y e Frier's case mentiondand recited in the Roman 
Horsleech, or an Account of an as famous and Rideculous Action and 
Dispute that Happend in New England about y e year 1633 whether 
y e Red Cross in the Banner of England was an Idol or no, with y e 
Arguments urged on both sides. 

In 1633, or thereabouts, when People were Revelation mad and 
Drunk with Seism and Blind Zeal one of y e Chief Men of Boston in 
New Engl : * being then in Authority and warmd with a Lecture against 
that which y e Ignorant call Superstition, with a Daring Impudence set 
up for a Reformer of y e King's Colours and haveing taken y e same in 
his sanctifyd Hands took his Conscience to Witness against a Monstrous 
Idol that he found therein, to witt, a Great Cross, and thereupon draw- 
ing his knife bravely cut it out with a great deal of Self Satisfaction and 
applause and y e next day boldly confess'd and Defended y e same. 

This Unparralel'd Act created Great Differences in y e Town, amongst 
all sorts of People, as well amongst those who had nothing to do with 
affairs of such a Nature as those that had in so much that y e very 
Women were fit to pull coive's about it. As for y e Common Soldier's 

1 Winthrop, i. *158. * It was S r Henry Vane [jiote on the MS.]. 

1909.] THE ENSIGN AT SALEM. 269 

who had as little of Religion as Courage or Honesty amongst them, 
most of them commended y e Act declairing that theyd sooner turn 
Heathen's and yield to y e Enemy than follow or fight under a Popeish 
Idol, a Cross (Lord have mercy upon us!) they'd have no more to do 
with than with him that sufferd upon one. Yet others amongst them 
Maintaind y e Lawfulness thereof, and that they would not deny follow- 
ing y e same in their Colours least that they should seem to cast of 
their Allegiance to y e Crown of England. 

At length this Mighty Matter was carryd on with such fury that y e 
whole Collony seemd to be in an uproar, so that the General Court 
were forced to take it into their Cognizance where after a great Bustle 
and Stir a Committee was Chosen and appointed both by y e Magistrates 
and People, of y e Freemen of y e Collony to examin into y e Matter, 
where after many teadious Debates, It was Carryed by three Votes 
that tho' their Brother had down well and acted like a Good tender 
Conscion'd Christian, that yet nevertheless he had not done prudently, 
and tho that he did not deserve any punishment for y e Act it self; yet 
that he ought to be discharged his place in y e Goverment for y e same 
for going so bunglingly about it, and for fear that their Charters and 
Priviledges should by a Seizure from y e King make an attonement for 
y e same. Upon which he was called in Court and this Cruel, Hard, 
Sentence of Deposition passd mildly upon him, and he himself 
Registerd amongst y e St and Suffurers of y e Lord for y e Testimony 
that he bore against a Popish Idol. Yet at y e same time did they fully 
agree that seeing that y e Cross was cut out, and that it undoubtedly was 
a Badg of Antichrist and a Mark of y e Limb of y e Divel, and that no 
one of their Side y e Great Dike had any Power to put it in again, that 
therefore y e use of it should be forborn for y e future amongst them, for 
fear that y e People should turn Idolater's and God should bring upon 
them beside's y e Plague's of Impudence, Heresey, Seism, Blind, Super- 
stition and such like, all those not half so ill [as] y e Ten Plagues of 

The Rever'nd Spit-Fire's that were summond from all y e Country 
round and commanded to lay their heads together upon this Weighty 
Matter argued against y e use of y e Cross in y e Banner thus — 

The Question sayd they is not, whether a Private Man may not march 
after his Colours, which have the Cross in them : for y e Christian 
Legions never scrupled following y e Labarum of y e Roman Emperor's 
which was an Idolatrous Ensign. Yea y e Jews themselves that made 
such earnest suit first unto Pilate and then unto Petronius to have such an 
Idolatrous Ensign removed from y e Walls of their Temple : Yet without 
any Scruple followd it in y e field. Nor is it y e Question (sayd they) 
whether y e Cross may be used in our Colours, as a Charm to protect us 
from our Euemys, or to defend us from Disasters, or to procure Victorys 


unto us. tho' y e faith which y e Roman Catholicks have in it mentiond by 
Hoveden in y e Reign of Hen y e 2 d when Engl : France, and Flanders, 
distinguished themselves by their Yarietys of it, ever since retaind, is 
abominable to all real Protestants. But y e Question is whether y e 
Cross as representing y e Cross of Christ, erected as a Badg of Chris- 
tianity, and a Sign of Distinction between Christians and Infidels may 
by any Prince or State, be now in their Banners reserved and Em- 
ployd ? this they approved not, and that for all these doughty 

First, That which God hath commanded utterly to bedestroyd should 
not be retained for y e Important uses of Men : But God has Commanded 
y e Cross in y e Banner to be destroyd. this may be thus proved. Images 
of Idols are commanded utterly to be destroyd ; But y e Cross in y e 
Banner is y e Image of an Idol, and y e Greatest Idol in y e Church of 
Rome. As for y e Text in Deutr : where this is commanded it dos 
affect Christians as well as Jews, because that y e Moral Reason of 
y e Command yet continnues. If that it be objected that then the 
Temples of Idols were to be destroyd it may be answerd, Theodosius 
made a Law that they should be so. However we may distinguish 
between Temples dedicated unto Idols and such Temples as were 
dedicated unto God by Creatures. Y e Papists with Aquinas deny their 
Temples to have been dedicated unto Saints, But affirm them dedicated 
unto y e Honour and Service of God for his Blessings communicated 
by y e Saints whose Names are used on this Occasion. These Temples 
being Purgd from their Superstitious Designations may be still used for 
our Christian Assemblys as our Saviour used y e Jewish Water Pots to 
turn Water into Wine tho' they were superstitious Purifications for 
which they were placed there. 

2 dIy There is no Civel Honour to be given to y e Image of an Idol, y e 
2 d Commandment forbids all sorts of Honour not only sacred but Civel 
also to such an Image, Yea, and elswhere all mention of it with Honour 
is prohibited. But now to advance the Cross into y e Banner is to put 
a Civel and no little Honour upon it, it is y e Cross in y e Ensign which 
dos now Insignire and render it Ensign, and it was y e Intention of Con- 
stantine to Honour y e Cross when he Interdicted all Execution's of 
Malefactors upon it, and advanced it into his Banner. 

3 d >y If y e figure of y e Altar in Damascus might not be used as a Badg 
of y e Religion and Profession of y e Israelites : then y e figure of y e Cross 
may not be used as a Badg of y e Religion and Profession of y e Protes- 
tants. For there is a like proportion. For y e Papists regard y e Cross 
as y e Altar where on our Lord was offerd ; now such a figure of an, 
Altar was Unlawfull to y e People of God. 

4 ly That which was Execrable to our Lord, y e Sign of it should not 
be honourable to us. But so was y e Cross of our Lord, for it made his 

1909.] THE ENSIGN AT SALEM. 271 

Death accursed, nor was it a pure Instrument of mere Matyrdom unto 

5'y If y e Partakeing of Idolothytes in y e Places where y e Idols are 
Worshipd, express a Communion with Idols and Idolaters : then y e 
setting up of y e Cross in y e Places where Idolaters do worship it, 
namely in y e Banner is an Expression of Communion in their Idolatry. 
Tis true such meats when sold in y e Shambles might be eaten without 
Scruple of Conscience; but besides this that it was onely a Common 
place where these might be eaten : whereas y e Cross on y e Banner is in 
y e Temple where y e Apocaliptic Gentiles adore it. Besides that they 
were Creatures of God whereas y e Cross in y e Banner is onely a Human 
Contrivance. So if it had been Lawfull for a Man to have bought y e 
silver shrines of Diana and have causd them to be worn for y e Cog- 
nizance of his family or his attendants : y e Cross might perhaps have 
been lawfully used in y e Banner for a cognizance. 

Lastly, if y e first Use of y e Cross in y e Banner by Constantine was 
superstitious : then y e first fruits being Unclean y e whole Lump of y e 
following use is also unclean. But Eusebius tells us that y e Emperor 
used this saveing Sign as a protection against all Warlike and Hostil 
Powers. And Sosomen tells us, That y e Emperor changed y e Image of 
y e Roman Labarum for y e Sign of y e Cross that so y e Soldiers who 
were accustomed to Worship y e Heathen Imperial Ensign, by y e Contin- 
ual Sight and Worship of y e Cross might be weaned from their Country 
rights and brought on to worship that God alone whose sign it was. 

On y e other side they that pleaded for y e use of y e Cross in y e 
Banner, argued after this fashion. To state y e Question we must know 
that it is necessary that there should be a Banner displayd, and a 
Banner with a Cross in it serves y e End of a Banner as much as any 
other. Had y e Cross never been superstitiously abused, the Civel use 
of that figure could not be questiond. But y e superstitious abuse is a 
thing that is added unto y e Civel use, and accordingly y e superstitious 
abuse may again be removed from it. Otherwise what a Desolation of 
Bells and other things must be produced by a just Reformation of 
Superstitions ? Wherefore if y e present Authority dos neither appoint 
nor declare any Superstition in y e Observation of any Civel usage, y e 
Superstition of that usage is at an End. Thus tho' it be notoriously 
known that many Persons in Authority have their superstitious Conceits 
about Churches : Yet in as much as there is no Injunction of authority 
upon private persons to approve any such Conceits tis no Superstition 
in such persons to use those Churches unto Lawfull Uses or purposes. 
Y e Question then is whether y e Civel Use of y e Cross in y e Banner 
may not be separated from y e Superstitious abuse of it. And it seems 
as it may. 

First. If names that have been abused for y e Honour of Idols may 


in a Civel Way be still used : then things that have been so abused may 
be in y e like manner used for a Civel Distinction. But we find y e 
Names of Apollo and Phcebe and y e like used in y e Apostolic Saluta- 
tions. Altho' it had been a less difficulty for those persons to have 
changed y e Names at first sinfully imposed upon them : than for y e 
Cross in y e Banner to be now wholy layd aside, If any Heathen King 
put an Honour upon his Idol Bell by saying Belteshazar, y e Spirit of 
God may speak it without any Honour at all to that Idol. 

2 dly It is one thing to describe a Cross as an Artificial thing by way 
of Civel Signification and another thing to employ a Cross as a Sacra- 
mental thing by way of sacred Observation. And in y e Banner tis y e 
former, not y e latter way that it is considerd. When I am relating 
how a Papist crosses himself, I may lawfully express it by makeing an 
Aerial Cross like his. Whereas it would not be lawfull for me to make 
such a Cross upon y e same ends with him. 

3 dly If that y e Cross first used by Constantine had in it any thing 
Unwarrantable it follows not, that y e following use of it, is of y e same 
Lump with y e first. For if it now be used upon another Design the 
Uncleaness is taken away. Besides Constantine brought y e Cross with 
as much Unwarrantableness into his Coins as he did into his Banner. 
But tis certain that there are few or none this day that would refuse 
money tho' they got thereon a Popeish Idol, but would set mighty Es- 
teem on it y e Bigger and y e better y e Cross was. 

4 ly Meats tho' sacrificed unto Idols might be eaten when sold and 
bought in y e Market. Now a Cross is an Effect of Art, and is a Crea- 
ture of Gods as well as any of y e Meats bred and cooked by Men. 1 

Mr. Savage mentions in his note on page *158 the existence 
of a tract in the Hutchinson Papers on this subject by the 
celebrated Hooker, and adds, " I have neither courage nor 
curiosity enough to study it." Upon reading it I found it 
must have formed the basis for the arguments of the Har- 
leian paper on one side of the controversy, and, as such, was 
a much more full and complete exposition of the questions 
involved. It is now printed from the original in the State 
Archives. 2 

Touchinge y e Crosse in y e Banners. 

Before I speake directly to y e main Quest : I shall preface a word 
w c h I conceive may not bee unsutable, consideringe present motions 
y l are amonge vs respectinge this case : 

i From Harleian MSS. in the British Museum, no. 4888, fol. 86. The volume 
is labelled " Historical Papers and Tracts." 

2 Hutchinson Papers, i. 8. My thanks are due to Mr. Tracy for permission 
to take a copy. 

1909.] THE ENSIGN AT SALEM. 273 

1. To starte new Questions, and to adde definitive determinations 
y r unto and y r by to sentence and censure y e carriages of other men : is a 
practise w c h as I have euer conceived not to bee safe, so I suspect not 
to bee so warrantable, as many may Imagine at y e first appearance. 

For it is y e order y t our Saviour prescribes in proceedinge w th a par- 
ticular brother: Mat. 18. 15. If yy brother sinn against thee goe and 
convincingly rebuke him : (as y e greeke word Imports) first sett him 
downe by argum* and shew him his sinn, and then rebuke him for his 

Now y e Conviction standes not in y e bare and Naked proposall of 
arg ts to y e Consideration of an other, but time and meanes must be 
graunted and Liberty to use both, which may bee answerable to y e 
waight of y e Cause or weakenesse of y e man. So in regard of both sat- 
isfaction may be seasonablely attained in a way of providence. 

And if y s bee y e way when our L d Xt prescribes for our dealinge 
w th a particular brother : y n much more should wee bee wary and ten- 
der that wee doe not suddenly censure many states and churches : pro- 
fessinge y e truth of Xt. for such y nge as have beene constantly received 
and practised as Law full : before sufficient Liberty of time and meanes 
have beene graunted for information herin : 

2. If y e Q n : thus sprunge cannot for y e present bee settled w th 
Agree mt on all handes, it hath beene counted a course comely and pious 
rather to ripen y e truth by private and studious Inquiery untill all helpes 
of information can be brought in w ch may drawe on a full determination, 
then to trouble and darken y e truth and distemper mens mindes by open 
contestation and opposition. 

Follow y e truth we must. 4 Ephes. 15 yet if it bee possible and as 
much as in us lyeth, bee at peace w th all men. 12 Rom : 18 

By sedulous and private inquiery on y e one hand : sending out for 
light and direction into other places, wee doe regularly according to our 
Compasse follow y e truth. 

By sparinge contestatio and censorius opposition, neither raisinge 
nor spreadinge unbrotherly surmises, and Jealousyes to blemish y e pro- 
ceedings of either party : we follow peace. For it lyes in us not only 
in our power and liberty, but it lyes upon us necessarily ; to preferre 
peace before contestation and heart burninge : while wee prejudice not 
y e truth but are watchefully painefull to persue it in a peaceable 
manner : 

And y s was y e cause I doe truly affirme for my owne part, why I 
was willing to suspend expressinge myself in y s Case : Not y* I either 
could be feared whither y e Cross stood or fell, but y l I might in quiet- 
nes, waite and expect where at y e Last y e truth would appeare w th un- 
deniable evidence : beinge seriously content as in y e sight of y e god of 
truth, it should appeare in any side. 



3. That now I shall expresse myself (my witnesse is in heaven) is not 
like of opposition to any mans person or opinion. For y e L d knoweth 
it is my affliction to differe in Judg mt , from any of my faithfull breth- 
ren : and most crosse is my inclination to expresse contrariety therin. 

But beinge Importuned publiquely, privately by speech and Letter : 
and that by some to whom I owe much in y e Lord: and without whoes 
invitation it was in my Hearte never to sett penn to paper, on y s point : 
conceivinge my self thus constrained by call to expresse my sudden 

I shall crave leave by way of inquisition only to propose an argument 
or two : 

Not y t I am a Friend to y e Crosse as an Idoll or to any Idollatry in 
it : or that any carnall Fear takes mee asyde and makes me unwillinge 
to give way to y e evidence of y e truth, becaus of y e sad Consequencies 
y l may bee suspected to flowe from it : I blesse y e Lord my consciens ac- 
cuseth mee of no such y nge : but that as yet I am not able to see y e sin- 
fulnes of y e banner in a civle use : Those who see more by grace 
received, and to whom y e L d is pleased to give a more speedy discern- 
inge of ynges propounded to you : must not take it 111 if those who 
have beene Longe settled in som principles (w ch y y conceve to bee 
truth) are [illegible] of apprehension to see thorough ynges objected or 
yet to cleare y r owue thoughts ; and yrfore need and crave longer time 
of consideratio before they can come to determine any thinge. 

4. When our faithfull fellow brethren in y e places from whens wee 
came will of necessity bee imbarked in y e Cause and Consequences now 
in agitation, I could wish it were well considered, whither it bee not only 
comely and safe but necessary in a kinde, y* y e Counsell and advice 
should bee craved to see whether any beame of truth may bee cast in 
from y ns . 

For bee it graunted that it ware y e unanimous consent of all our plan- 
tations to remove y e ensigne upon reasons stronge to our owne appre- 
hension, which notwithstandinge beinge propounded to y e examinatio of 
other churches, might receive such answers as could by us in no wise 
be removed, how uncomfortable would it bee y t wee did not feele for di- 
rection in doubtfull cases, which w n wee receive wee are not able to 

The state of y e Q" may bee cleared and conceived by y e severall ex- 
pressions folio winge : 

1. It is requisite yea necessary y* som banner be displayed in warre : 

2. This banner in a civle way is as apt to attaine y e end in gatheringe 
and guidinge souldiers as any other : 

3. Had it never beene abused Idolatrously and superstitiously, y n 
had beene no more Qtion of using y s y n any other : 

4. This abuse is y l w c h is superadded to y e civle use, namely when 

1909.] THE ENSIGN AT SALEM. 275 

it was Impiously instituted and observed as a Cause of protection from 
danger ; or delivering men out of danger, y n was it made an Idoll and 
sett in y e roome of god, in whoes handes protection and preservation 
only is. 

When also it was ordained and appointed as a morall or sacramentall 
sighue to draw or stirre the hearte to xt in Love or hope than became 
it superstitious. 

o. This superstitious abuse as it was superadded, so may it againe 
bee removed from y e naturall and civle use hereof beinge only a seper- 
able adjunct. 

For y e old truth unto w ch all those who have endeavoured reforma- 
tion stand, and unto w c h I doe mainly attend in ys case, was and is this. 

Thinges abused to Idolatry whereof y r is no necessary use ought 
to bee removed, but if y r bee a necessary use of y m (as in Bells and 
churches) then y e use necessary in a way of providence may bee retained, 
and y e Idolatry and superstition reformed : 

6. So y* w n y e Qtion is how came y e banners y t ware Idolatrous 
and superstitious in Queene Maryes dayes to bee neither in Queen 

The answer is open and at hand. Even as y e Bells and churches 
w c h were Idolatrous and superstitious in popish abuse retaine y e Law- 
full use by protestants, namely remove Idolatrous and superstitious in- 
stitution and observation, (as when neither authority in that Irreligious 
way appoint or Injoyne these to be used, nor any is bound by a Com- 
and of the nature to observe them that which is necessary is now re- 
tayned and that w c h is Impious is removed. 

7. Note y l w c h is yet somw' [illegible'] though it bee knowne no- 
toriously, y* many who are in place of authority, doe in y r owne pri- 
vate opinions, put a holines in churches, yet becaus there is no publique 
Comand, w c h Injoynes any particular man either by subscription, or any 
personall acte, to shew consent or approbation hereof, tis conceived 
not unlawfull for y e faithfull to Injoye y e benefitt of churches in y e 

When y r fore it shall appeare by any evictinge argu mt y* y e Abuse 
hath so farre eaten into y e Civill use of y s Crosse in y e banner, that 
it cannot bee removed therefrom, and so this not used without sinn, I 
shall freely and willingly yielde y e Cause. 

For y e meane time I desyre help and information in an arg mt or two, 
w c h yet Hinder mee that I can not clearely see, but y* y e civill use of 
y s Crosse in y e banner may bee severed from y e Idolatrous abuse thereof : 
and in y* way and for that end may bee Lawfully retained : 

1 Arg : If Names stated and Imposed for the Honour of Idolls, may 
yet bee used in a Civill way. Then ynges so abused may in like man- 
ner have like use : 


For y e ground is y e same, names are Images of thinges, as well as 
any other artificiall thinges. When therefore they are equally abused 
about an Idoll they are equally for bidden : 23 exo. 13 23 Jose 7. and 
yfore ought equally to be removed. 

If y e one may bee used y n y e other may also. 

But names so stated and abused for y e Honour of an Idoll may yet 
Lawfully bee used in a Civill way. 16 Rom. 1 : 1 Cor. 16. 12 : in w c h 
paull makes use of y e Idolatrous names of Phoebe and Apollo. So 
yese ynges so abused may be used in a Civill way. 

Ob. These Names tho : sinfully Imposed, yet being Imposed became 
of so necessary use, that yy could not bee changed: w th out disorder 
and confusion in y e way of Comon converse and comunion of men. 

A. True yy were of necessary use being coilionly and constantly 
receaved, and y l is it w c h wee apprehend to bee y e Case in Hande, as 
hath beene expressed in y e explication of y e case prop. 5 : 

And further ye necessety was no other, nor yet more if so much, as 
y t w c h will appeare to bee of y e ynge now in controversy. 

It was only a necessety of conveniens, in relatinge and usinge those 
names, to avoid trouble, disturbans and confusion : in dayly converse, 
some would have styled y m one way, others an other. 

But here minde wee what breaches and heart burnings, hath y e at- 
tempted alteration of y s desighne caused amonge our selves : wt expec- 
tation, distaste and Hazards from other parts : and y e necessity of y s 
Ensighne at y e Sea: when wee send shippinge to our Country, or 
traffique w th other nations : as farre as I can heare is such y* y e wante 
of it will in all likely hood hazard y e safety of y e vessells and Libertyes 
and lifes of yose y l saile in her : 

In w c h kind of necessity it may I thinke bee safely said, to bee more 
necessary in bells or churches, for yy may bee altered from any use in 
solemne assemblies w th out any such danger. 

Againe had it not beene easy to a mans ordinary apprehension. 
For y e apost. to have otherwise described yese parties, or exprest from 
distaste at y r names for y e present, and advised a change and alteration 
amonge y e saintes, without any such Hazard as here is in present viewe. 

Item It is true y l no man should for reason, impose y e name Apollo 
or Jupiter upon his childe, neither would y e Ap : so advise, as being of 
no necessary use so to doe, and y r fore contrary to a rule before men- 
tioned, but being so Imposed and a necessary use beinge Involved upon 
it, unto w c h it serves in a way of providence, wee see y e Apost. pre- 
scribes not y e Change, nor removall of it. The like wee may speake 
of y e Case in Hande. 

But is not ys to give civill Honour to an Idoll contrary to y e 2d 
Com : and script, formelly alleged 23 exod. 16. Psal. w' y e honour of 
a name is denyed y m . 

1909.] THE ENSIGN AT SALEM. 277 

A. Certaine it is y e apost. did give no Honour to y e Idoll tho he used 
yese names in an honorable civill way of salutation and Comendation : 
2 ynges yrfore as before are to bee considered and attended. 1 . y e 
word Apollo is applyed as y e propper naime to a man for distinction 
and denomination sake, to answer to when called, and so to distinguish 
him from an other, and yus to retaine it, is to retaine a word in a law- 
full way to a lawfull end civilly. 

2. By y s to have y e mind carryed up to an Idoll to expect preserva- 
tion from it, or to bee stirred to afforde honor to it, y s is an Idolatrous 
and superstitious Course : 

. The former use is not to give civill Honour to an Idoll but to use a 
name lawfully, to serve a civill and Honorable end. 

The like of y e Crosse in y e present Case, use it as one particular In- 
gredient to make up y e ensighne w c h shall gather and guide troopes in 
y r marching, is to use an artificiall thinge to serve a way of gods provi- 

But by vertue of any institution to expect protection from ys : or to 
doe any honour to ys is Idolatrous. 

Againe herein I desyre som information. An ensighne is properly 
a 3d. thing arisinge and resultinge from y e paintinge of any figure and 
y e ynge so painted : so y 1 itt is a figurative speeche, to saye y e Crosse 
is y e ensighne, or y e cloth is y e ensighne : for it propperly is a 3d 
thinge, arising from both, and appointed in y e place a sighne of author- 
ity callinge, comanding, gathering guiding : This sighne appointed to 
y s service is an Ensighne : 

Hence y e Ensighne is sayd insignire : by a metony : if y e adjunct be- 
caus it shewes Honorable comand. whereas y e Crosse serves to y s rela- 
tion in parte : and is not It propperly, and its worke is but servinge 
and helpinge : to make up yt w c h does represent and signify, Honor or 
Honorable comand. As take an other instance in y e same kind : Lett a 
board of a four square figure be lifted up for an Ensighne, to saye y e board 
is an Ensighne, or y e figure alone is an Ensighne is not propper speech, but 
y* relation y t ariseth from both yese : It is not rationall to saye that wee 
honour the board or y e four square figure, but wee make both these 
serve to that w c h is a sighne of Honour : and y* y e Honour lyes not or 
is not to bee attended in y e figure of y e crosse me thinkes that makes 
it more y n probable y l where y e Crosse is defaced and part of y e figures 
of y e ensighne torn away yet y e souldier is as ambitious of his ensighne 
to keepe it and y e enemy to get it as ever : wch shewes y t y e Crosse is not 
y e Ensighne nor y e Honour to lye in y e figure of y e Crosse but in y e rela- 
tion formerly mentioned w c h is bore up by any part of yt w c h ariseth 
from both. 

2 arg. To use a worke of arte to serve a way of providence is lawfull, 
but to use y s Crosse in y e banner in a civle way, is to use y e worke of 


arte Namely of painting and dying to serve military discipline a way 
of providence, rgo : yus to use it is Lawfull. 

But happely it will be replyed that y e Cross which is y e effect of paint- 
inge is only transversa figura or Thwart or Crosse line or figure : but 
this is Intended by them y* erect and use it to bee, signu crucis, a 
sighne of y l Crosse w c h did crucefy xt. and so a badge of our xtian 
religion : 

To w c h y e answer is by denying both y e particulars. 

The civle use of y e Crosse in y e banner is here only attended, and 
disputed and yrfore to adde a religious use thereto, to make it a signifi- 
cant or sacramentall sighne to helpe on our hearts and apprehensions 
to a spirituall end, by a humane institution is to make y* y e Question 
which Indeed is not. Nor doe I know any that thinke it more lawfull 
to put such a signification upon it, y n to expect protection from it : be- 
sydes authority comands it not so for ought I have heard nor does any 
captaine who is not popish use it in y* sence : he comands his souldiers 
to follow y l ensighne or Colours : not to attend y m or to follow y m as a 
bodye of xtianes, or to have y r mindes and heartes taught or stirred by 
y m to religion : if any in authority have such a superstitious opinion of 
it : as long as y r is no publique Comand y l Injoynes either Captaine 
or souldier by any personall acte to approve thereof or so to use it : but 
only to attend and take y e civle use y r of : y e practise may be lawfull, 
tho y e others opinion bee apparently false, as before was expressed in 
y e 7 th proposition. 

Lastly had it as a banner such an Institution and Imposition, I doe 
not yet see but it would prove as unlawfull (and so doe y e most pious 
and judicious conceive) to follow it as to erect it. For he y* followes a 
banner, so farre by that acte doth submitt himself y r unto, as to attende it 
and use it for y* end, for w c h as a banner it was erected. If ylore as a 
banner it bee appointed, as a badge of religion to teach and stirre y e 
hearte, he y l submittes hereunto in y l name, subjects himself to bee 
taught and stirred in y l manner y r by. 

To y e 2d part of y e reply : 

It may also bee sayd y l y e Crosse, w c h is y e effect of paintinge is not 
transversa figura only, but signu Crucis also, only still y e sighne of a 
Crosse in a Civill way and for a civil) end. 

For signu here is as much as a simillitude, and resemblance of y e 
Crosse w r on xt was crucefyed, and it resembles it as Rem non ut sacram 
as Ames hath it in a like Case. It resembles y e Crosse as an artificial 
ynge : not as holy or for an holy end, as instance may bee given in y e 
like Kinde. 

If it ware asked how doth a papist crosse himself, when he goes forth 
of his doores in y e morninge to y e worke of y e daye : 

The party y* would describe his carriage drawes a Crosse line over 

1909.] THE ENSIGN AT SALEM. 279 

his breast and tells y e guise of y e papist : to make y e sighne of y e Crosse 
of xt : here is signum crucis used only by way of description of a popish 
carriage, as y e finis operis it operates doe abundantly testify : w c h not- 
withstanding y e papist used for a spirituall and supernaturall end, and 
so unlawfully. 

Ob. but y e first peice and originall was superstitious by Constantine, 
and if y e 1st frutes are unclean y n y e whole lump of y e following use is 

A : bee it y* y e first use of y e Crosse brought in by Constantine was 
Idolatrous and superstitious I should easily graunt y l all y e followinge use 
taken up upon y e same grounes for y e same ends is also sinfull : 

But y l y e civle use should y r fore bee unclean I suppose it will not fol- 
low, for it is none of y l kind or lump : unlesse it can be proved y f y e 
civle and superstitious use cannot be separated again w 11 It is not Ques- 
tioned whither y e Crosse be lawfully used in y e banners as a protection 
from enemies or a defence against dangers. I thence take it for graunted, 
y 1 so much of y e Idolatry is removed and why y e rest also may not bee 
removed I desyre to read or see a satisfactory reason. y e ynge havinge 
besydes both, y e necessary use in a way of providence. 

3 : When it is cleared and graunted y l it was Constantines intention 
for y e Honour of y e Crosse to putt it into coines as well as ensignes, I 
confesse unfaignedly I can not see, but by y e same rule it will be unlawfull 
in y e one as well as in y e other and y r fore w t more warrant men have 
in a way of trading to take and keepe coine w th out meltinge or at least 
defacinge y e Crosse, y r in rather y n to refuse or not keepe an ensighne 
w th out expression of answerable dislike : I desire sum difference here 
to bee shewed for further satisfaction. 

Ob : If y e eatinge of meat sacrificed unto Idolls in y e place where 
Idolls are worshipped : y* is in y e Idolls temple or chamber : doth hold 
forth communion w th Idolls and Idolaters : y n y e setting up of y e Crosse 
in y e place where it is worshipped of Idolaters : y t is in y e banners doth 
hold forth comunion w th y e Crosse and Crosse worshipping forbidden 
1 Cor. 10: 18. 19. 20. 21. 

A : The Cause why they y* did eate meates sacrificed to Idolls in y e 
place where they ware worshipped ware guilty of Idollatry, was not 
becaus of y e place in w c h yy did eate namely y e Temple : but because 
yy Joyned w th ym in y* acte of y r Idolatrous service, as it is abundantly 
cleare by all y e expressions, where y e practise is compared, to y e peoples 
eatinge of meat sacraficed at y e altar verse 18. The Table of Idolls 
and so of divles is compared w th y e table of y e Lord, and y e eating at 
y e one w th y e eating and communicating at y e other. 

So y* had a man eaten bread and dranke wine as comon and ordinary 
dyet, at a private table in som corner of ye temple, he could not y r fore 
be sayd to comunicate at y e Lords table w r bread and wine ware sol- 




emnly sanctefyed, according to xts Institution : becaus tho he was in y e 
same place, he Joyned not w th ym in y e same service. 

So that any Corinthian bought meat in y e shambles sacrificed to Idols 
and eaten it as ordinary diet at som private corner of y e temple he could 
not be sayd to comunicate at y e table of divles. So here tho papists 
and protestants use y s sighne y e one for a civill end only, y e other for 
an Idolatrous and superstitious, tho yy meek in y e same thinge yet not 
in y e same service, namely Idolatrous grounds and ends, w c h was y e cause 
of comunicatinge in Idolatry both in Corinth and here. 

And our application of it to ends formerly mentioned, is as it ware, a 
degrading of y e Impious use and putting in to a comon place where y e 
use of it is generally received to be civill only, by almost all writers In 
all y e churches of xt, and all states professing y e true faith of xt : 

The same argument may be made against our churches and y e same 
answer will serve. 1 

The Papists worshippe god superstitiously and Idolatrously in 

Wee meet w th y m y r to worshippe and y r fore wee must also worshippe 

Its plaine I suppose y e consequens deserves a deniall, becaus tho wee 
meet in y e same place and use y e same place w th y m , yet wee meet not 
in y e service. 

They use it Idolatrously we civilly, for our more comfortable 

Remarks were made during the meeting by the President, 
F. B. Sanborn, Samuel A. Green, Charles C. Smith, 
Andrew McFarland Davis, Grenville H. Norcross, 
Worthington C. Ford, James F. Hunnewell, and Bar- 
rett Wendell. 

A new serial of the Proceedings, for January and February, 
was on the table. 

1 If any one is curious to read some of the arguments on the use of Roman 
Catholic churches and chapels by the Separatists, he will find good examples in 
Paget's "An Arrow against the Separation of the Brownistes" (1618), 130. 






In 1631 there landed at Boston one John Sanford. He was 
an Englishman from Alford in Lincolnshire. He remained in 
Boston for seven years. At the end of that period, having 
become a sympathizer with the views of Mrs. Anne Hutchin- 
son, he was obliged to leave the Bay Colony and went to 
Rhode Island. There he was one of the pioneer settlers of 
Portsmouth and became one of the colonial leaders. In addi- 
tion to various minor offices, civil or military, he held, at the 
time of his death in 1653, that of President of the Portsmouth 
and Newport Colony. From him the subject of this sketch 
was descended. 

During most of the intervening time the headquarters of the 
family has been the town of Berkley, Massachusetts, where 
Mr. Sanford's father was born, and in the successive gener- 
ations its members have been eminent locally. It has been a 
representative New England family of the historic and familiar 

Mr. Sanford was born on November 22, 1830, at South 
Dennis, Massachusetts, where his father, Rev. John Sanford, 
was pastor of the Congregational church from 1818 to 1838. 
When he was seven years old his father removed to Amherst, 
Massachusetts, largely in order to secure better educational 
opportunities for his children. The son grew up in circum- 
stances of comfort and culture but not of wealth and including 
little of luxury. He prepared for college at Amherst Acad- 
emy and at Williston Seminary, at Easthampton, entered 
Amherst College in 1847, and was graduated in due course in 
1851. He was the valedictorian of his class and was a member 
of the Alpha Delta Phi Society. 



Like so many other young graduates, he then taught for 
several years — including a tutorship at Amherst — while fit- 
ting himself for his chosen profession, the law. Finally he 
settled in Taunton, where his brother was head of the legal 
firm of Sanford and Morton, and resided there during the 
remainder of his life. 

He was admitted to the bar in 1856. His high standard of 
duty, his judicial temperament, and the thoroughness of his 
scholarship guaranteed his professional success from the outset. 
He had the power of clear, logical statement in a high degree. 
He was the sort of lawyer whose appearance in behalf of a 
client creates an impression that his case is worthy. He was 
a man in whom it was felt natural and safe to repose confidence. 

But it did not prove to be the legal profession, speaking 
strictly, in which he was to do the most and the best of his 
life-work. He believed strongly that good citizens ought to 
show their interest in the public welfare by taking part in 
politics, and in 1863 he was elected to the Massachusetts 
House of Representatives and in 1864 to the Senate. In 1866, 
the year in which the Insurance Commission was reorganized 
so as to consist of but one member, he was appointed to fill 
the position and held it for three years. In 1871 he was sent 
to the legislature again and was chosen Speaker of the House. 
In 1875, after four terms, he declined an offered re-election. 

In 1876 he was the delegate from his district to the Repub- 
lican National Convention at Cincinnati, which nominated 
General Rutherford B. Hayes for the Presidency. He was one 
of the Committee on Credentials, and the following extract 
from the report of the " Boston Herald " throws an interesting 
light upon the man himself and the value of his service : 

This convention was the first at which the colored man was a power, 
and an element which proved troublesome. A member of the com- 
mittee on credentials, in speaking on the early work of the convention, 
says : 

" Of course, this was the first committee to get to work. There were 
several colored men on the committee, and they were bound to make 
up for lost time and to be heard. There were others on the committee 
from the South quite as fiery and untamed. It was the liveliest lot of 
politicians I ever came across. There were many contested cases, and 
they were contested as if the existence of the world depended upon the 
result. Unfortunately, we had for chairman one who evidently was 


without experience in parliamentary methods and sadly lacking in force. 
The committee was a very large one, and was little more than a mob. 
There was no real organization. A dozen would try to speak at the 
same time, and it was confusion worse confounded. The colored men 
jumped up and down, fairly dancing in their wrath and shaking their 
fists in the faces of the other members. The chairman resigned his seat 
to another, but it did not mend matters, the substitute being as inexpe- 
rienced as the other. Hours were passed in this way, it being little 
better than a bedlam. Men of mild manner were of no account. It 
was necessary to shout at the top of the voice to be heard. 

"At length a quiet and composed gentleman succeeded in making 
himself heard for a moment. He had not spoken a dozen words before 
all the turbulence ceased, and he was master of the assembly. In a few 
plain words he correctly stated the proper relations of the question, and 
started matters in their proper groove. 

" Things moved smoothly for awhile, but again a storm arose. After 
an unsuccessful attempt to quell it the chairman called the quiet gentle- 
man to the chair. He retained the position throughout the sitting, and 
there was no more trouble. It was a remarkable instance of the power 
residing in a judicious and properly skilled presiding officer. Not hav- 
ing learned the gentleman's name, and being curious about it, I took an 
early opportunity after the adjournment to ask it of him, when he gave 
it as Mr. Sanford of Massachusetts. I at once recognized it as that of 
one of the most accomplished of the many famous men who have graced 
the speaker's chair in your Legislature." 

In 1880 he also was a delegate to the Chicago Convention 
which nominated General Garfield. He was in favor of Sena- 
tor Edmunds originally and seconded his nomination before 
the convention. 

In 1882 he was appointed chairman of the Harbor and Land 
Commission of this State and held office for ten years. In 
1892 he was transferred to the Railroad Commission and was 
made its chairman, serving thus until 1899. In these seven 
years he did what apparently was his most valuable official 
work. During the period of his administration some impor- 
tant matters, involving large interests and causing strong feel- 
ing, had to be adjusted. The present South Station in Boston 
was built, the Tremont Street Subway was constructed and 
leased to the West End Street Railway Company, and the 
property of this company was taken over by the Boston Ele- 
vated Railway Company, vital modifications of the lease in the 
public interest being inserted by the Commission, chiefly 


because Mr. Sanford insisted upon them. He had much to do 
with the rapid and useful development of electric street rail- 
ways, which began while he was in office, and some of his 
proposals relating to the management of steam railroads have 
been adopted. He raised the annual reports of the Commis- 
sion from the usual level of dry statements of facts, largely 
statistical, to that of interesting and suggestive explanations 
and discussions. They have been demanded, and quoted 
freely, in other parts of our own country and even abroad. 

When he retired from the Railroad Commission, in 1899, he 
had served the public nearly the whole time for thirty-six 
years, and had given it service which for conscientiousness, 
ability, and fruitfulness seldom has been surpassed. 

During the remaining eight years of his life, — he died on 
October 11, 1907, — he resided at his home in Taunton, visit- 
ing Europe nearly every summer and enjoying the compara- 
tive rest which he had fairly earned. But he never was 
allowed to free himself wholly from the responsibilities of a 
citizen. In local matters of any consequence he usually was 
consulted, and, so far as he would permit, was given leader- 
ship. In his earlier years he had served his city upon the 
school committee, the board of aldermen and the common 
council, and up to the time of his death he was president or 
director of several banks or corporations and a member of 
important commissions. 

He was identified as a vestryman and communicant with 
St. Thomas Church in Taunton, and was the president of 
the Episcopalian Club of this State in 1893 and 1894. 

He was one of the most loyal graduates of Amherst College 
and was president of its Board of Trustees from 1874 until his 
death, devoting much time to the promotion of its welfare, 
especially in connection with its finances. He founded a 
scholarship in it for the benefit of needy students. He received 
the degree of Doctor of Laws from the college in 1896. 

He was elected to this Society in January, 1884, and took a 
sincere interest in all its doings. But he rarely, if ever, at- 
tended its meetings. His absence was due to the incessant 
and compelling demands upon his time during the earlier years 
of his membership, and, after his retirement from official life, 
to gradually increasing deafness. In 1891 he furnished for 
its proceedings a memoir of our former associate Rev. Henry 


M. Dexter, D.D., LL.D., but this was his only contribution. 
He also belonged to the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 
and in 1870 he was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Royal 
Statistical Society of London. He was the first man on this 
side of the Atlantic to be honored thus, and up to the time of 
his death the Society had only five other associates in the 
United States. 

Mr. Sanford was a man of serious temperament and was dig- 
nified and courtly in manner. He was naturally reserved yet 
was cordial and genial. He had pronounced convictions and 
strong feelings and was capable of extreme indignation, but he 
exhibited a great power of self-control. He took large, dis- 
criminating views of life and treated others with a tolerance 
and charity which he never asked for himself. He was con- 
spicuously fair and just. He would have made an admirable 
judge. He seldom failed to retain the personal respect and 
liking of those from whom he felt obliged to differ. After his 
death a man eminent in the management of great railroads 
said of him : " I had occasion to appear before the Railroad 
Commission several times while he was its chairman, and, 
although I did not always get what I wanted, and found him 
inflexible when he had made up his mind, he was so courteous 
and so willing to hear and weigh everything that could be said 
on all sides of any case that I learned to feel for him a very 
high regard." 

Mr. Sanford had the utmost distaste for all attempts to push 
one's self into publicity and shrank from active effort to pro- 
mote his own interests politically, although few men could be 
more determined in any conflict involving the public good. 
At least once he was offered an unopposed nomination for 
Congress by the Republicans of his district, which he felt un- 
able to accept, and his name was proposed informally more 
than once in connection with the governorship of this State. 

He was generous in his benefactions, but no one else ever 
knew the extent of his benevolence. His chief recreation was 
horticulture. He gave as much time as he could spare to the 
cultivation of the trees and plants upon his estate and seemed 
to know every one of them intimately. 

He was married in 1856 to Emily James White, of Taunton, 
who died in 1899. He left three daughters. No more fitting 
words can end this outline of his character and career than the 


following, taken from a tribute to him in the Taunton Daily- 
Gazette of October 12, 1907, the day after his death : 

It is probable that no other citizen of Taunton was ever called to 
undertake more varied duties, and certain that all his work as a citizen, 
an official, a husband, father, Christian and friend was well done. A 
city is fortunate to have had such a citizen. . . . 

No greater legacy was left to his children than that all his varied 
successes and honors came not through political manipulation and 
trickery, time-serving and trading honest manhood for position, but 
because integrity, ability, faithfulness, dignity, and courtesy won them. 






Charles Henry Dalton was born at Chelmsford, Massa- 
chusetts, September 25, 1826, the third of eight children of 
John Call Dalton and Julia Ann Spalding. On both sides 
he was descended from families whose history is intimately 
connected with the early growth and development of New 

His great-grandfather, James Dalton, who was born in 
1718, was the first of his family to settle in Boston. Whether 
or not he was descended from the Daltons who emigrated to 
this country in 1635, and whose principal home in the seven- 
teenth century was at Hampton, New Hampshire, I have been 
unable to discover: the probabilities on the whole seem to 
point in this direction. From his early youth James Dalton 
was engaged in seafaring pursuits. In 1740 he was com- 
mander of the brigantine " Joshua," trading from Boston to 
London, and later became the owner of various vessels, voy- 
aging along the coast to the Carolinas, West Indies, and some- 
times to Europe. In 1756 he purchased an estate in Boston 
on the south side of Water Street, which contained a tanyard, 
garden, dwelling-house, and other buildings. These he pulled 
down and in 1758 built upon the property a Mansion House * 
which was occupied by himself and family during the remainder 
of his life and afterwards by his son, Peter Roe Dalton. After 
the " great fire" of 1760, when this part of the town was re- 
built, a committee of the General Court ordered a new street, 
running from Milk to Water Street, to be laid out through 

1 A picture of this Mansion House forms the central portion of Mr. Charles 
H. Dalton's book-plate, designed in 1903. 


the estate in such a way as to divide it very unequally and 
render the smaller part unavailable for building purposes. A 
memorial addressed by Captain Dalton to the General Court 
resulted in moving the site of the proposed street further 
west, so that it divided the estate more equally, and in con- 
sideration of this Captain Dalton agreed not to require any 
compensation for the portion of his land occupied by the new 
street, which was known as " Dalton's Lane " and " Dalton's 
Street" until the year 1800, when its name was changed to 
Congress Street. 

Captain Dalton was one of the proprietors of King's Chapel 
at the time of its rebuilding, and owned at various times pews 
26, 40, 53, 58, and 98. He married January 24, 1740, Abi- 
gail, daughter of Peter Roe, a resident of Boston, and widow 
of Judah Alden. He died April 21, 1783. He is described 
as "prudent, but energetic and successful in business, perse- 
vering, liberal and public-spirited, courteous to his associates, 
and of a kindly disposition." 

Of his ten children the second (and oldest son), Peter Roe 
Dalton, was born in 1743 and died in 1811. In his youth he 
followed his father's calling and went to sea. The similarity 
between his character, tastes, and career and those of his 
grandson, the subject of this memoir, is too striking to be 
passed over without comment. During the American Revo- 
lution he was Deputy Commissary-General of Issues in the 
Continental service, receiving and distributing provisions of 
all kinds to the troops stationed at Boston, to the prisoners of 
war confined in the harbor, and to the French fleet under 
the Count d'Estaing. In 1782 he was appointed by the Gen- 
eral Court of Massachusetts one of a committee to settle the 
accounts of the Board of War of that State, and to examine 
and certify all claims against the State arising from losses in 
the Penobscot expedition of 1779. He was connected with 
several financial and commercial organizations in Boston, and 
frequently acted as executor and administrator. He is de- 
scribed as " a man of great activity and devotion to business, 
and capable of managing large interests. He was prompt to 
detect and thwart any attempt at gaining undue advantage 
and decided, though polite in his manner of doing so. He 
was fond of generous living, and accustomed to make ample 
provision for his bodily comfort, but was never excessive in 


any personal indulgence." Mutatis mutandis, this portrait, 
both of character and occupations, will be found to fit his 
grandson equally well. 

Peter Roe Dal ton was twice married. His first wife, 
Susannah Griggs, bore him four children, of whom one, a 
daughter, survived; his second, Anne Call, bore him eleven, 
of whom the tenth was the father of the subject of this 
memoir. John Call Dalton's distinguished career as a physi- 
cian in Chelmsford, Lowell, and Boston, and in the Civil War 
does not need description here. Suffice it to say that he was 
the ideal doctor of the old school, of the days before the prac- 
tice of medicine had become highly specialized, and one who 
was able by his sterling character as well as his professional 
attainments to render priceless service to the community 
where he lived. 

Mr. Dalton's maternal ancestors were a race of farmers. 
Edward Spalding (or Spaulding, as the name was then spelt) 
came to America in the earliest } r ears of the Massachusetts 
Colony, probably between 1630 and 1633. After a brief resi- 
dence at Braintree, he went to Chelmsford at the time of the 
first settlement of that town, and at the first town-meeting, 
September 22, 1654, was chosen one of the selectmen. Seven 
generations of his descendants lived at Chelmsford, cultivating 
and increasing the land which was granted to their ancestor, 
yeomen all, and servants of the town, colony, state, and church 
at various occasions and in various ways. By all odds the most 
distinguished member of the family was Simeon Spalding 
(1713-1785), the fourth in descent from Edward, and the great- 
grandfather of Charles H. Dalton. His most notable services 
were rendered in connection with the American Revolution. 
In 1770 he was chosen representative of his town " at a Great 
and General Court and Assembly appointed to be convened, 
held and kept for his Majesty's service at Harvard College " ; 
and again in 1773, 1774, 1775, and 1776. In February, 1776, 
he was commissioned colonel of the Seventh Regiment of Pro- 
vincial Militia, and in 1779 delegate to the Convention for 
framing a Constitution of Government for the State of Massa- 
chusetts Bay. These and many other minor offices attest his 
prominence in the public service in this first great crisis of our 
national existence. 

Such were the high traditions and noble inheritance of 



Charles H. Dalton. By a long and active life of service and 
good citizenship he was to prove himself worthy of them. 

The first five years of Mr. Dalton's life were spent for the 
most part at Chelmsford, until his father's removal to Lowell 
in 1831. The only incident of this period of which there is 
any record is his first journey to Boston in 1827 at the age of 
one, made by the then famous Middlesex Canal, which was first 
open for traffic in 1803, only to be superseded, some thirty 
years later, by the Boston and Lowell Railroad. Mr. Dalton 
used to be fond of pointing out, as a unique illustration of the 
radical changes in the methods of transportation that have 
been witnessed in New England in the past seventy years, that 
this canal trip landed him in Haymarket Square on precisely 
the spot now occupied by one of the stations of the subway 
to whose construction he devoted so much care and labor 
in his later life. His boyhood and early youth were spent in 
Chelmsford and Lowell ; he was a pupil at the common school 
at Chelmsford, and at the Lowell High School before the year 
1844, after which he was sent to a boarding school at Med- 
ford; but of college education he had none. It was a source 
of the deepest regret to him in later life that he never 
went to Harvard. An honest fear that he might not be 
able to equal the brilliant record there of his elder brother 
John, who graduated in 1844, was perhaps the chief reason 
why he decided not to go. Great and genuine modesty in 
regard to his intellectual attainments was ever one of his 
most prominent traits. 

Mr. Dalton entered upon his long and successful business 
career as a salesman in the firm of R. A. Crafts and Company 
certainly not later than the year 1848. This firm was engaged 
in the manufacture of ginghams and mousseline-de-laines and 
its mills were in Taunton ; but Mr. Dalton, to judge from the 
Boston Directory of 1848-1849, was employed in the Boston 
office, which was located at 49 Milk Street. In the year 1849 
he was transferred to the commission house of Sayles, Mer- 
riam, and Brewer, selling agents for some of the largest facto- 
ries in New England. His first important service to this firm 
was rendered in the settlement of a strike among the operatives 
of the Hamilton Woollen Company at Southbridge, a task 
which he accomplished so successfully that he was soon put in 


charge as manager there, and continued to reside for the most 
part at Globe Village, a part of Southbridge, during the next 
five years. 

Fragments of a correspondence between Mr. Dalton and the 
firm that employed him at this time have been preserved, and 
are interesting as showing that he inherited all his grandfa- 
ther's ability " to detect and thwart any attempt at gaining un- 
due advantage," and was " decided, though polite, in his manner 
of doing so." In January, 1851, it was proposed that he should 
visit England for three months in order to inform himself con- 
cerning the factories and manufacturing methods there : his 
firm, however, desired him before his departure to engage 
positively to remain with them five years longer, but attempted 
at the same time to reserve to themselves the privilege of 
terminating the connection at any moment, and hinted that if 
Mr. Dalton was unable to fall in with their plans, they should 
be obliged to find another to fill his place. To this proposal 
Mr. Dalton wrote a decided though courteous letter of objec- 
tion, pointing out the unfairness of the terms and desiring a 
more equitable arrangement. The precise nature of the settle- 
ment of this difference of opinion is not apparent, but it is clear 
that Mr. Dalton's views prevailed, for he sailed for Europe in 
less than a month in the employ of the firm, but terminated 
his connection with it, of his own volition, in the latter part 
of 1853, before the five years had elapsed. 

His first impressions of England are interestingly recounted 
in a letter to his father, dated from Manchester, March 13, 

I have been into various parts of the west of England, through the 
counties of Lancashire, Yorkshire, Chester and Derbyshire. Every- 
where the country is beautiful, highly cultivated, not an inch of ground 
wasted, the roads fifty miles from Manchester as clear and smooth as 
Boston streets. The only objection to them is that about every two 
miles there is a toll bar where it is necessary to pay tribute. . . . 
Last night I went to a dinner party about five miles from Manchester 

at Mr. H -'s, the partner of Miss P 's friend. Hope Hall is the 

name of the house. The style of these things here is quiet and dignified, 
elegant in all parts. To me thus far, they have been pleasant because 
they are somewhat of a novelty, but I should think the gentlemen would 
get weary of them. I arrived at about five minutes before 6.30 (the 
dining hour stated on the card) and was relieved of my coat and hat 


by one servant in livery, straw colored small clothes, white neck 
handkerchief, etc., and announced by another who evidently knew my 
name beforehand. Three or four guests had arrived before me and in 
five minutes all had come, making a party of about twenty. I being 

the only stranger, Mr. H asked me to take Mrs. H to the 

table when dinner was announced and to take a seat on her right ; 
the other guests were arranged without fuss ; and down we went, about 
six servants in livery being at the foot of the dining room, as solemn 
and stiff and to me, a little fantastic, as a drum major. The room was 
rather bare of furniture and ornament but the heavy drapery and large 
dining chairs made it look comfortable enough. The courses lasted, I 
should think, about two hours, when the ladies left and the gentlemen 
clustered around one end of the board and talked and drank, eight or 
nine of us, keeping about as many decanters running the gauntlet for 
an hour longer. We then followed the ladies, had tea, and a very little 

execution by the Misses H on harp and piano. At ten precisely, 

" Your fly, Sir," was announced to three or four of us and as regularly 
and quietly as clock work, we took our leave. . . . 

England is a fine place to live in if one is rich, but Heaven help the 
poor. I have got so accustomed to the beggars of all degrees and ages 
that they make no impression at the moment. Yesterday I passed a 
family of six or eight, mostly females, and though I was cold with a 
thick top coat and shawl, and it was raining at the time, not more 
than half their bodies were covered with anything. There is misery 
and degradation in this city among the factory classes which is not 
dreamed of in Lowell, and many a person may tour it through Eng- 
land without seeing much which places it infinitely below America in 
point of respectability. The hospitality and good manners and elegant, 
stylish mode of living of the rich is pleasant to their guests, but the 
misery, heart sickening to look upon in some of the crowded streets of 
Manchester, is fully strong enough in contrast. On a Saturday after- 
noon, after the hands are paid off, I have been among the gin-shops, 
which are on every corner, with a living stream going in and out, 
young girls and boys, men and women. England is n't all a palace, 
nor will average so near it as America. 

Within three years after his return from England Mr. Dalton 
became a partner of the selling house of J. C. Howe and Com- 
pany, and as such was chiefly occupied from 1854 to 1859 with 
management and rebuilding of the Print Works at Manchester, 
New Hampshire. He was perhaps more closely identified with 
this business than with any other in which he was ever 
engaged. In it he displayed to the full that remarkable ca- 
pacity for organization and administration which characterized 


him to the day of his death, and his energy, integrity, and 
skill were rewarded with marked success on every hand. The 
time, however, was near when he was to have the opportunity 
to employ these talents in another field. The first and per- 
haps the most notable of the many public services which it was 
the good fortune of Mr. Dalton to render and which later made 
his name almost a byword for public spirit and good citizen- 
ship in the community was in connection with the Civil War. 

Like all the bravest and best of his day and generation, Mr. 
Dalton's attention became more and more closely focussed on 
the great national crisis, which loomed ever larger on the 
political horizon in the autumn of 1860 and the spring of 1861. 
An ardent Northerner, he did not underestimate (at least not 
as gravely as did most men) the power of the southern Con- 
federacy, and was deeply convinced from the first that it would 
be necessary to put down any resistance by force of arms. 
The first occasion on which he offered his services to his 
country was in connection with the inauguration of Lincoln 
in March, 1861. He wrote at least twice to the authorities 
at Washington to ask if his presence on that occasion might 
not be desirable as a means of helping quell a disturbance, 
should such occur. Answered in the negative, he abandoned 
his intention of immediately repairing to the capital, but the 
news of the firing on Sumter which followed in April made 
him resolve once more to put himself at his country's 
service. On May 20, 1861, he accepted an appointment 
from Governor Andrew to act as Agent of the Common- 
wealth of Massachusetts at Washington, whither he at once 
repaired, and remained (save for occasional visits to the 
North at moments of comparative leisure) until January, 
1862. On September 27, 1861, he received another mark 
of Governor Andrew's confidence by his promotion to the 
post of assistant quartermaster-general of the militia of 
the Commonwealth (the appointment to date from May 23), 
and the following day he was commissioned with the rank 
of colonel. 

The duties of his position in Washington are best described 
by the following extracts from the letter of instructions which 
was sent him by the Massachusetts authorities the day after 
his first appointment : 


All supplies for our troops forwarded to Washington will be sent to your 
care and the vessels when the supplies are sent by water will be consigned 
to you. You will attend to the disposal and distribution, or storage of 
the supplies, according to directions sent you, or to the best of your judg- 
ment in the absence of specific directions. You will communicate with 
the proper departments of the U. S. Government in relation to stores 
sold, or troops carried, or any transport service, and see that all proper 
allowances are made, and all bills settled either by payment, or by being 
put in a shape, as to vouchers and allowance, to require no adjustment 

You will communicate with the Colonels, Quarter Masters, and com- 
manding officers of the Mass'tts troops, and everything wanted by them 
will be received through you, and all requisitions and requests for sup- 
plies must be transmitted by them through you, with proper explana- 
tions, when you have not the means or authority to supply them. You 
will look up as far as possible and take charge of, any Massachusetts 
supplies, stores or equipments that have heretofore gone astray, and if 
they have gone into possession of U. S. officers recover them or procure 
payment or vouchers therefor. 

You will also transact any business for the State with any of the 
Departments. You will have a room where you or some clerk will 
constantly be found, to receive messages by telegraph or otherwise, 
and to transact any necessary business. 

You will keep an account of all expenses and report as nearly daily 
as practicable all your doings. You can employ a clerk if necessary and 
your reasonable and proper expenses with a proper compensation for 
your services will be paid by the State. 

You will doubtless want -a copying press. If you have occasion to 
procure storage, you may be able to make arrangements with some com- 
petent and responsible person who will deliver on your order. 

The object of the whole arrangement is to have some one respon- 
sible and competent agent, who will know all that is done and sent from 
Massachusetts, and all that is wanted and received at Washington, or by 
the troops wherever stationed, to take care of property, take vouchers, 
prevent waste, and be the sole channel or communication between 
supply and demand. This agent you are to be until some further 

It was a position closely resembling that occupied by his 
grandfather at the time of the Revolution — a position for 
which he was pre-eminently fitted by character, ability, pre- 
vious training, and inheritance. 

To enumerate in detail the almost infinite variety of the 
tasks that were laid upon Mr. Dalton during the busy eight 


months of this first stay in Washington would be tedious and 
unprofitable. They all required shrewd judgment, untiring 
energy, patience, and good temper. Reconciliation of the 
conflicting views of state and federal officials, rectification of 
justifiable grievances and soothing the makers of groundless 
complaints, providing for the care of the sick and wounded 
and settling the details of soldiers' enlistment, pay and pen- 
sions — all these formed part of his manifold duties. A few 
examples drawn from his correspondence will perhaps serve to 
make the picture clear. He had scarcely got established at 
Washington when an urgent letter from the military secretary 
of the Commonwealth arrived, directing him to represent to 
Secretary Cameron " the miserable state of the coast defences 
of Massachusetts, and more particularly of the Harbor and city 
of Boston." The language of the epistle is noteworthy : 

The mere statement of the fact that in all Fort Warren there is only 
one gun, and that in Fort Independence there are only a few barbette 
guns and no casemate-guns mounted, and that these constitute the entire 
defence provided by the Federal Government for the second city of the 
Union in commercial importance, ought to be sufficient, it would seem, 
to secure immediate attention. But when to this is added the fact that 
the less reasonable requests made from certain other sections of the 
country seem to meet with a prompt hearing, and a ready compliance, 
it becomes difficult to understand why the delay in attending to the de- 
fenceless condition of Bobton Harbor is not a grievous injustice to our 
people, and we have yet to learn that Massachusetts has (either by what 
she has done or left undone of late, or ever), afforded any pretext for 
the Federal Government to neglect her representations and requests. 
It does indeed, appear at times, as if we should speak to a more willing 
ear, if we were not so unanimous in our loyalty and if the Federal ad- 
ministration did not count so surely always upon the contribution of blood 
and treasure we are glad to make for the common cause. 

About all we ask in respect to the Forts in Boston Harbor and along 
our coast is that guns which are now lying useless at Watertown and 
Charlestown and Chicopee and elsewhere, shall be transferred to them 
and mounted. They will be just as much the property and under the 
immediate control of the United States in the Forts, as where they are 
now lying ; more so, because if it should become absolutely necessary to 
remove them, they would then be at spots on tidewater, where they could 
promptly be transferred to shipboard. For instance there are, and have 
been for many years, lying at the Foundry of Messrs. Ames at Chicopee, 
three 12 lb. brass guns and the same number of 12 lb. brass howitzers, 


belonging to the United States, which were accepted and paid for, long 
ago. It would be a great convenience and a great relief if these guns, 
instead of lying useless stored away in a town a hundred miles away 
from the sea-board, could be brought down to Salem or New Bedford or 
Gloucester or Provincetown, all exposed points of great commercial im- 
portance, which are lying at this moment at the mercy of any privateer 
which may have the boldness to swoop down upon them. 

But in the instance of Boston the neglect not only to do anything, but 
even to assign reasons for withholding action in respect to the Forts, is 
to us perfectly unaccountable upon any theory creditable to the patriot- 
ism and energy of those officials having the matter in charge. 

With considerable difficulty, and after some delay, Mr. 
Dalton obtained access to Secretary Cameron, persuaded him 
to move the guns as requested, and received the Secretary's 
promise to send an armed vessel to Nantucket immediately. 

A curious matter occupied his attention from the 22d to 
the 24th of August. A company of Massachusetts troops 
raised in Cambridge by a certain Captain Burgess, had been 
induced, by false representations, to leave the State and to 
attach themselves to the Fifth Regiment of the so-called Sickles 
Brigade in New York — thereby depriving their families of 
the monthly bounty of three to twelve dollars per man, re- 
cently provided for in an extra session of the Massachusetts 
Legislature. A prolonged correspondence between the gov- 
ernors of Massachusetts and New York on the subject had not 
availed to secure the return of these troops to a Massachusetts 
regiment, and the matter was finally referred to Mr. Dalton at 
Washington with orders to lay it before the Secretary of War. 
Despite the sturdy opposition of Sickles, Mr. Dalton accom- 
plished his task in two days, and on August 24 was able to 
send to Governor Andrew an order for the transfer of the 
Burgess Company to any Massachusetts regiment he might 
select. The way in which he brought this about may be 
judged from the contents of the two following letters. To 
Governor Andrew he writes : 

I went out to see Burgess yesterday, found him ill, but his command 
in good condition, so far as a company, so badly placed, could be. Was 
satisfied it wd. be hard for it to remain in its present position. Had a 
talk with Sickles, & believe he wd. oppose any change, therefore urged 
the matter to a final conclusion, with Secy. War this morning, before 
Sickles had time to make it more difficult. I did so settle it, in con- 


formity with your instructions, and therefore wd. not advise that any 
further change be asked for, as it is by no means easy to get the Dept. 
to take hold of such a delicate matter. 

And to a private friend : 

In the morning, I had a hard job at War Dept. namely, to get a 
Mass. company now in a New York Rgt. commanded by . . . Sickles, 
transferred to a Mass. Rgt. He was determined the transfer should 
not be made, and I concluded to try metal with him, and succeeded in 
getting just what I wanted, which pleased me. 

Another matter in which Mr. Dalton took a vigorous part 
was the question of the re-enlistment for three years of a large 
number of Massachusetts troops, who, believing that the war 
would be speedily brought to a close, had originally volun- 
teered for but three months. Many of the authorities at 
Washington desired to retain the three months men in the 
three year regiments which had already been formed at the 
capital, instead of giving them an opportunity to return home, 
be regularly discharged, and re-enlisted as State troops, To 
this course Mr. Dalton was strongly opposed. In a letter to 
Governor Andrew of June 22, 1861, he wrote : 

In regard to re-enlisting the 3 mos. men here, in 3-year Rgts. my 
opinion is that there will be many difficulties, and that by so doing or 
trying to do, we shall fail to secure many of the best. As all the world 
knows, these Rgts. left home suddenly, their private affairs unattended 
to, the majority imperfectly prepared for so long a stay as even 3 mos. 
Cameron, Thomas, & Mansfield all see the importance of securing 
these men for 3 years, or as large a proportion of them as 
possible. . . . 

It therefore seems to me most desirable that the Regt. be ordered 
home soon after 4th July, be mustered out, and paid, then the men re- 
enlisted so far as possible. These remarks apply, generally, to our 
other 3 mos. men. 

These views were re-echoed in Governor Andrew's reply of 
June 29, and after prolonged interviews at the War Depart- 
ment and at headquarters, Mr. Dalton made his point and was 
able to telegraph home on that same day : " Scott, Cameron, 
Thomas, Wilson all agree that 3-mos. Regts. shd. go home 
soon and men be re-enlisted for three years there." 

Of all this busy eight months in Washington, the busiest 


week of all was undoubtedly that succeeding the disaster at 
Bull Run. Mr. Dalton's correspondence doubles in quantity 
at this crisis, every line of it breathes cheerfulness and calm- 
ness in defeat, but at the same time feverish energy and a 
stern determination to make good lost ground. Some of his 
accounts of the battle are interesting. To Governor Andrew, 
under the date of July 24, 1861, the Wednesday after the fight, 
he writes : 

The disaster to our soldiers is less than was feared. It is that the 
missing will amount to 6 to 800, all told. The loss of material is insig- 
nificant in value, with the exception of am'tion wh. is large. The ac- 
counts of Sunday's fight amount to this ; our troops were marched 3 to 
5 hours, after a slight breakfast, and were at once fought against fresh 
troops, protected by batteries and trenches, on a difficult ground, the 
enemy more than double in numbers. For 3 or 4 hours our troops 
drove back the rebels, 'till, at 4 o'ck. from a causeless, or rather utterly 
unnecessary reason, the entire army, in a few minutes was panic- 
stricken. The rout was described as fearful in the extreme. That the 
enemy were equally taken by surprise by this movement appears from 
the fact that no attempt was made to follow our flying army, otherwise 
it wd. have been finished and Davis wd. to-day have been in the White 
House. He is, however, the other side of the Union Entrenchments, 
the only side he will ever see. 

And to a friend : 

The Govt, is exerting itself to the utmost to repair the terrible 
blunder of Sunday morning, that beautiful day to some of us. While 
we were so pleasantly going up the mountain side, our troops were just 
going into a fight, after a march of 10 miles, and kept at this work, 
without any intermission for 4, 5 and 6 hours, with nothing to eat, 
against fresh troops, protected by their entrenchments and batteries, and 
more than double in n os - Still inch by inch we drove them back, 
when, by some unaccountable misfortune, an utterly unexpected and 
incomprehensible panic ran through Regt. after Regt. so that the re- 
treat was general, in a few minutes. The enemy was equally aston- 
ished, for they made no attempt to follow, or Washington wd. have 
been taken and Davis wd. have been in the White House to-day ! . . . 
'Tis sad, oh very sad, yet no hesitation for a moment must be allowed. 
We must and shall have an army of 100,000 men ready to attack the 
enemy shortly, and redeem this humiliating blunder. 

His words were justified by the event. The second upris- 
ing of the North in early August swept all resistance before 


it. Even at Washington, where there were " too many play 
people to suit him," as Mr. Dalton once complained, the activ- 
ity was tremendous. Two weeks later he wrote to a friend at 
home : 

You should see the energy and vigor with which the work is done. 
Our Govt, is worth fighting for, 't is it or long years of misery. Ele- 
gance is out of the question when the solemn fact stares us in the face 
of having our lives and homes safe, or at the mercy of a few bad, am- 
bitious, faithless men. 'T is a fight for manhood, and if we fail, which 
we shall not, the happiness of long years is gone, past help. 

Busy and useful as he was in Washington, however, Mr. 
Dalton was chafing at every moment to get away. He dis- 
liked the city intensely ; the calls of his business and private 
affairs were imperative, and twice during the summer and 
autumn of 1861 he was obliged to ask leave of Governor 
Andrew to come home to the North to attend to them. On 
both of these occasions the stress of events at the capital 
caused him to return much sooner than he had intended, but 
with the beginning of 1862, when things had got into running 
order, his residence at Washington was much more frequently 
interrupted. In the early months of this year he paid many 
visits to his brother Edward, who, having been commissioned 
by the State of New York as surgeon to the Thirty-sixth New 
York Volunteers in November, 1861, had at once joined his 
command, and accompanied it in the forward movement of 
the army in March, 1862, and through the Peninsular cam- 
paign until June, when he was attacked by malarial fever and 
forced to return to the North. 

It was perhaps these continual visits to the front that 
made Mr. Dalton long for a taste of real fighting and suggested 
his application, in March, 1862, for the post of staff officer to 
General Fremont. " I shall see him and try to learn his plans," 
he wrote to a friend, "and, after frankly confessing my igno- 
rance of military matters, ask him if such as I can be of real 
use on his staff, and if he is going to do anything and wants 
me, I shall want to go. . . . The more I learn of his com- 
mand, the more I hanker for it, for then 't will be brisk cam- 
paigning and not lying in camp, which would worry me to 
death, it seems to me." Several unsatisfactory interviews 
with the General convinced him, however, that he stood no 


chance of getting this appointment, and his failure here really 
marks the end of the period of his greatest activity in con- 
nection with the Civil War. From that time onward he was 
often in Washington on special business connected with the 
government, sometimes at the front, visiting his brother, and 
once on board the "Monitor" (April 19, 1862, just six weeks 
after its fight with the " Merrimack "), of which he wrote 
home the following interesting description : 

Yesterday morning some of us took a ship's boat with a crew and 
went up to the " Monitor " which is stationed up above the Fortress, 
so as to command a view of any movement of the " Merrimack " should 
she appear around Sewell's point, about three-fourths of a mile from 
where we lay at anchor. All the large ships, steamers, gunboats with 
a large flotilla of transports and supply vessels lay down below the 
Fortress, a mile and a half from the " Monitor," to be out of the way of 
any surprise, but the armed vessels all having steam up night and day, 
and constantly on the watch should a signal come for them to go up to 
help the " Monitor." We went on board the " M," and all through 
her, and I was utterly amazed to find her such a solid, strong and ap- 
parently invulnerable machine. She was well battered in the engage- 
ment, the two craft being only 3 yards apart during some of the time, 
so that their guns nearly touched! But no harm came to the little ras- 
cal which has saved this country from an awful defeat. The officers 
seem entirely confident that the " Merrimack " can in no way injure 
her, either by running her down or by the heaviest guns they can bring 
at her. She is certainly a splendid success, and as I say, apparently 
impenetrable, but I guess a pretty hot box to be in during an engage- 
ment of four hours. . . . Later in the p. M. we went down into the fleet, 
passing the large steamer " Vanderbilt " and others which are lying here 
to run down the "Merrimack," and went on board the "Minnesota," a 
noble Navy vessel, with 600 men and officers on board. She was at- 
tacked by the " Merrimack " during the Sunday engagement, and could 
not get away nor defend herself, having got aground, and she carried 
the marks of the shots from the " Merrimack " in many places. Had she 
not been saved from a second attack by the " Monitor's" most fortunate 
arrival, she too, would have been utterly destroyed. We left the 
" Minnesota " about 6 o'clock p. m. to go up to our " Saxon " and 
jus*: then, heavy firing commenced between the battery of large guns on 
Rip Raps, opposite the Fortress, — our guns — and the Rebel battery 
on Sewell's point, which is up towards Norfolk — 3 miles off. The 
heavy shell would hum through the air and then burst with a low dull 
sound among the trees on Sewell's point where the Rebel battery is 
concealed. This firing was kept up till dark, one of our gun boats run- 


Ding up and opening her guns on the Rebels also. You see from this 
diary what interests are concentrated around this-spot — the most in- 
tense and momentous of any in the world to-day. The French War 
steamer and two English ones lie here, also ; one of the English away 
up above the " Monitor," where 't is not safe for a Federal vessel to be, 
as she is in sight from the Rebel lookouts at Norfolk. All last night we 
were unloading shells into two boats at our side, but today the wind has 
come on to blow and the roads are so rough that nothing can lie along 
side, so we are delayed. 

After the occasion described in this letter, there is no record 
of his being at Washington or at the front until more than a 
year afterwards, and then only for the briefest period. His 
appointment, 27 May, 1862, as quartermaster of the Fourth 
Battalion of Infantry in the First Brigade, First Division of 
the Militia of the Commonwealth, with the rank of first lieu- 
tenant — an office the duties of which could be for the most 
part performed at home — is additional evidence that there- 
after he remained, for the most part, in the North. The only 
other official position which he held in connection with the 
Civil War, namely, membership in a Massachusetts Board of 
Recruitment, appointed July 14, 1864, by Governor Andrew 
under an Act of Congress of the same year to supervise the 
recruitment of volunteers to the credit of Massachusetts from 
the Rebel States, did not apparently involve any prolonged or 
arduous labors. His marriage to Miss Mary McGregor of 
Boston occurred on 25 June, 1862, directly after his permanent 
return to the North. 

The years 1862-70 were spent by Mr. and Mrs. Dalton for 
the most part in Boston, where they resided at first at 59 Han- 
cock Street, and later at 33 Commonwealth Avenue. Before 
1865 they spent their summers at the old Spalding homestead 
in Chelmsford, but in that year they established themselves 
permanently at Beverly Farms. They were in Europe for a 
y>ear in 1866-67, where Mr. Dalton acted as one of the agents 
of the Commonwealth at the Universal Exposition at Paris, 
charged with the special function of " furnishing to Massachu- 
setts citizens desirous of exhibiting their industrial products at 
the said Exposition the requisite information and facilities." 
During all this period up to 1870, Mr. Dalton remained a part- 
ner of the firm of J, C. Howe and Company. As such he was 


employed for the most part in Boston, but he also continued 
frequently to visit the Print Works at Manchester, where he 
was instrumental in the prevention of a dangerous strike in 
July, 1863. But even in this, perhaps the most retired and 
concentrated portion of his life, his zeal for the public service 
did not slacken. Besides continuing to lend a helping hand 
in connection with the Civil War, the early sixties saw him 
exceedingly active in promoting the organization of the Massa- 
chusetts Institute of Technology, of which he was one of the 
charter members and Treasurer for four years from May 6, 
1862. He remained a member of the Institute Corporation till 
1879, and was re-elected to it sixteen years later, but declined 
to serve. A close friend and admirer of President Walker, he 
maintained a lively interest in the Institute long after his 
official connection with it was severed. In 1896 he established 
" The Dalton Graduate Chemical Scholarship Fund" of $5000, 
the income to be used " for the payment of fees of American 
male students, graduates of the Institute, who may wish to 
pursue advanced chemical study and research, especially ap- 
plicable to textile industries." 

The next two decades saw Mr. Dalton at the height of his 
long and prosperous business career. Though he had termi- 
nated his connection with J. C. Howe and Company in 1870, 
his intimate knowledge of the Print Works at Manchester 
resulted in his appointment as treasurer pro tern, during their 
reorganization in 1873. In the early seventies he was for a 
brief time president of the Consolidated Coal Company of 
Maryland, in the interest of J. M. Forbes (with whom he had 
had many dealings in regard to the transport of troops and 
supplies in Civil- War days), and in January, 1876, he became 
treasurer of the Great Falls Manufacturing Company for two 
years. Much more intimate was his association with the 
Merrimac Manufacturing Company, of which he was treasurer 
for twelve years, from 1877 to 1889 ; next to the Manchester 
Print Works, his business career was more closely identified 
with this corporation than with any other. His ability, integ- 
rity, and success in these different enterprises were speedily 
recognized, and are attested by his election as director of the 
Suffolk National Bank, January 12, 1876, and January 13, 
1886; as trustee and vice-president of the Provident Institution 


for Savings in the Town of Boston, December 15, 1875, and 
December 18, 1889; as director and vice-president of the New 
England Trust Company, May 12, 1875, and March 31, 1879, 
and as director of the Massachusetts Hospital Life Insurance 
Company, January, 1879. All but the first of these offices he 
held at the time of his death. His reputation, moreover, was 
far from being merely local. His appointment by President 
Harrison in June, 1889, as a special commissioner to proceed 
to Europe to obtain the views of the principal governments of 
that continent in regard to the re-establishment of a common 
standard for the free coinage of silver, and his choice as judge 
of manufacturing at the World's Fair at Chicago in 1893 
(personal affairs obliged him to decline both these positions), 
indicate that he was widely known outside Massachusetts and 
New England. 

Interesting and valuable as is the story of his business career 
and preferments, one is tempted to hurry over it in order to 
concentrate on what was even more thoroughly and particu- 
larly characteristic of Mr. Dalton, — the wide and varied range 
of his public services. The Union Club and Brookline Coun- 
try Club bear eloquent testimony to his activity in furthering 
the cause of social intercourse and good fellowship in this 
community; he was one of the founders of each of these or- 
ganizations, and labored long and successfully for the pros- 
perity of both. Together with the late Edmund Dwight, he 
started the Wintersnight Dinner Club. Another organization 
of which he was the founder and first president was the Ark- 
wright Club of New England Manufacturers, whose beneficent 
advice and efforts in regard to the tariff have, on several occa- 
sions, prevented hasty and unwise legislation. Mr. Dalton's 
keen interest and sympathy in the problems of the poor and 
unemployed are attested by his chairmanship of the Citizens' 
Relief Committee at the time of the panic of 1893, and by his 
vice-presidency of the Legal Aid Society. But of all his many 
public activities, the three in which his name stands out most 
conspicuously are his services to the Massachusetts General 
Hospital, to the Park and Subway Commissions. A brief 
paragraph may well be devoted to each. 

Born and brought up in close touch with the medical pro- 
fession, Mr. Dalton was always deeply interested in the ques- 
tion of caring for the sick, injured, and infirm. His brothers 


John and Edward were trained physicians, and though his 
own calling in life was another, Mr. Dalton's knowledge of 
and interest in the medical profession were far greater than 
those of the ordinary man of affairs. Much of his correspond- 
ence from Washington in Civil- War days deals with the care 
and transportation home of the sick and wounded, to the im- 
provement of which he contributed valuable suggestions ; and 
on his return to the North in 1862 he became one of the most 
zealous workers in behalf of the Sanitary Commission. His 
connection with the Massachusetts General Hospital began in 
1866 with his election as a trustee ; it was rendered closer on 
February 1, 1888, by his election as president of its corpora- 
tion, an office which he held to the day of his death. During 
the forty-two years of his connection with this institution he 
gave it his unwearied, loyal, and efficient service. He was a 
prominent member of the committee for negotiating the sale 
of the old site at Somerville, and chairman of that for the 
building of the new McLean Hospital at Waverley in the 
early nineties, offices which he performed with such success as 
to cause the following minute to be adopted by the Hospital 
trustees : 

The trustees desire to bear witness to the services of the President of 
the Corporation during the last three years. Accepting the chairman- 
ship of the McLean Building Committee, and devoting time and skill to 
its constant demands, he transformed his office from a merely presiding 
to a laborious and highly efficient one. An enterprise of such magni- 
tude, involving- so much to the present and the future of the Hospital, 
could have been neither begun nor ended without authoritative super- 
vision, and this has been performed by Mr. Dalton in a manner to claim 
our respect and our gratitude. 

As president of the Hospital Corporation Mr. Dalton de- 
livered an interesting address at the celebration of the fiftieth 
anniversary of the first application of ether at the hospital in 
September, 1846. Together with his younger brother, Henry, 
he established in 1891 the "Dalton Scholarship" of $10,000 
for " Investigation in the Science of Medicine " in memory of 
the services to the hospital of his brothers John Call and Ed- 
ward Barry ; and he left an addition of $15,000 to this sum in 
his will. 

Mr. Dalton's services as member of the Boston Park Com- 


mission began with the first appointment of that body in 1875 
and lasted till his resignation in 1884. During eight of these 
nine years he acted as chairman of the commission. He was 
the author of its most important report (that of 1876), in which 
the general scheme of the Boston parks, as at present existing, 
was first laid out ; and the successful accomplishment of that 
scheme in subsequent years was chiefly due to his energy and 
executive ability. The duties of his office were by no means 
easy, the frequent necessity of sacrificing the property of pri- 
vate persons and corporations demanding both tact and fear- 
lessness in high degree, but Mr. Dalton never wavered, and 
carried through the work which had been laid upon him in a 
manner which commanded the admiration even of those who 
suffered on account of it. The merits of the general plan 
which he originated are too many to be enumerated here, but 
among them two are deserving of special mention. First, the 
scheme, from the moment of its inception, was one susceptible 
of elaboration and development pari passu with the growth of 
Boston : the commissioners studied carefully the park systems 
of the five American cities which already possessed them, and 
also those of the chief capitals of Europe before they came to 
any decision, and were thus enabled to devise a plan which 
should take into account all the possibilities of municipal ex- 
pansion. Second, the trenchant arguments with which Mr. 
Dalton and his colleagues refuted in advance the objections 
of those who dreaded the expense which a park system would 
entail are beyond all praise. " We think money so expended 
(in laying out park systems)," they wrote, " will be well in- 
vested and quickly returned, by betterments, and by the 
increase in taxable value of all surrounding property . . . 
and the rate of taxation will thereby be reduced rather than 
increased." " It is not an extravagant proposition, though 
unsusceptible of proof, that more taxable capital has been 
driven out of the city and invested in neighboring towns dur- 
ing the past twenty years, for lack of a frontage for dwellings 
similar to that around the Common and Public Garden, than 
would pay for the lands and improvements of the parks located 
under this Act, and that within ten years after laying out the 
said Parks, a larger sum will be returned within the city, legiti- 
mately belonging to it, than the cost of these lands and im- 
provements." And again, referring to sanitary conditions 



" always paramount to such as are purely financial," quoting 
from the report of 1874, he says, " Nothing is so costly as sick- 
ness and disease, nothing so cheap as health. Whatever pro- 
motes the former is the worst sort of extravagance — whatever 
fosters the latter the truest economy." In view of municipal 
experience in this country within the last thirty years, how 
sane, how just, how far-sighted a statement is this ! 

It was not only in beautifying Boston, but also in increasing 
its facilities for transportation that Mr. Dalton rendered im- 
portant services to the community. He was one of the three 
members of the first Subway Commission, appointed by Mayor 
Matthews January 1, 1894, and authorized to investigate the 
advisability of constructing a subway for electric cars at a cost 
not to exceed $2,000,000. Within a few months after its ap- 
pointment the commission reported that a subway was im- 
peratively necessary in order to relieve the congested condition 
of traffic in Tremont Street and elsewhere, but that $2,000,000 
would be a sum entirely inadequate for the satisfactory build- 
ing of it. The ultimate result of this report was the appoint- 
ment, in July, 1894, of a Transit Commission, consisting of the 
three who already comprised the Subway Commission and two 
others, appointed by Governor Greenhalge. To this body Mr. 
Dalton gave more than twelve years of loyal and efficient ser- 
vice. His connection with it did not finally terminate till 
October 11, 1906. During this period the subway as it exists 
to-day was constructed, leased to the West End Street Railway 
Company, and connected with the Elevated. Mr. Dalton's 
services to the commission were valuable in every department 
of its work, but special emphasis should be laid on his general 
business experience, his ability in valuing condemned real 
estate, in negotiating with those from whom it was to be 
taken, and in estimating the probable cost of extensions and 
complicated operations. As in the days of his service on the 
Park Commission, he was exceedingly fond of visiting in per- 
son the scene of excavations and building, with a keen eye to 
detect shirking and imperfect work, and an ever-ready word 
of encouragement and praise for those who deserved it. On 
two occasions in particular his services were indispensable, 
first, during the negotiations with the Boston and Maine Rail- 
road concerning the purchase of the site of the old station in 
Haymarket Square ; second, in drafting the very complicated 


lease of the subway to the West End Street Railway. It should 
be added that from the very first he was an ardent supporter 
of the plan of putting the electric cars underground, and in 
the early days of the commission labored strenuously, and in 
the end with complete success, to bring others who favored the 
plan of surface cars, and the appropriating of a slice of the 
Common to give them room, to his point of view. 

Of Mr. Dalton's connection with this Society, there is little 
that remains to be said. Though in no sense a historian, his 
election, which occurred at the stated meeting of June 9, 1904, 
was well merited on account of his wide and intelligent read- 
ing and his active interest and participation in public affairs ; 
and it may not be out of place to add that it would almost cer- 
tainly have occurred earlier had he not unselfishly maintained 
the precedence of the claims of a much younger man. The 
President has already spoken of his two papers concerning his 
own family's history and traditions, and of his memoir of his 
brother John, whose death, in 1889, was perhaps the greatest 
sorrow of Mr. Dalton's life. His rare attendance at our 
monthly meetings is explained by his increasing deafness in 
later years, while his lively interest in the Society's work is 
attested by his regular reading of its publications. His sole 
contribution to our Proceedings was a brief monograph, 
printed in the form of an open letter to Senator Crane, and 
presented to the Society at the stated meeting of January 11, 
1906, on the advisability of regulating the issue of postage 
stamps. In it Mr. Dalton recommended the adoption of the 
Houdon head of Washington on all stamps except those of 
the one-cent denomination, and for those the head of Franklin 
(the first Postmaster-General of this country). This suggestion 
he took pains to justify historically, by a number of data and 
precedents. The very gratifying result has been the recent issue 
(February, 1909) by former Postmaster-General George v. L. 
Meyer of a new series of postage stamps, on a scheme almost 
precisely identical with that suggested by Mr. Dalton, with the 
Houdon head of Washington on all denominations except the 
one-cent, and ten-cent special delivery stamps ; the one-cent 
stamp has the Franklin head. An interesting letter of Mr. 
Meyer to Mr. Adams on this subject, and a minute adopted by 
the Society thereon, are printed in our Proceedings for March, 


This brief enumeration of the organizations and societies of 
which Mr. Dalton was a member and the enterprises in which 
he bore a part, needs to be supplemented by a few excerpts 
from his correspondence in order to reveal the keenness and 
range of his interest in public affairs. A friend in London 
(a relative by marriage) writes the following description of 
Mr. Dalton's letters to him ; 

They covered the period 1902-1907, and abounded in shrewd 
inquiries and pithy comments on public affairs, British and American. 
In a sense, no doubt, their interest was personal and ephemeral, since 
they were composed simply for the reader to whom they were addressed, 
without either appeal to a wider audience or straining after literary 
effect. But of his writing it may truthfully be said that the style was 
the man — the man as he was — plain, forcible, direct, without a super- 
fluous word or an irrelevant idea, equally free from parenthesis, repe- 
tition, and periphrasis. Many an accomplished man of letters has 
laboured for years, and laboured in vain, to acquire the art which 
seemed to have been given by Nature to Charles Dalton or uncon- 
sciously developed along with his character. Probably he never hesi- 
tated over a phrase or considered the turning of a sentence. He just 
put down his thoughts as they came into his mind — confident that they 
would present themselves on paper in due order, whether of sequence 
or logic. Let any reader who thinks this an easy matter make the ex- 
periment of describing some scene he has witnessed and then compare 
his performance with the specimens given in this memoir of Charles 
Dalton's quality of self expression. How he attained this sure literary 
power I have no means of guessing. All his life he was a reader of 
good books, and without purposed imitation may have formed himself 
on some great model. But he also made his way through a huge mass 
of contemporary stuff — newspapers, magazines, official publications, 
and books of the current season — which from the literary point of view 
would be mere rubbish, tolerable only for the information given, and 
compiled without sense of form. But against the demoralizing influence 
of all this bastard English, his style was immune. From the press, 
and the perishable trumpery which men of affairs must deal with, he 
took nothing but the new facts and fresh ideas for which his mind was 
always eager. 

He was never tired of learning. His alertness and receptivity were 
still unaffected when I first came to know him, and he was then already 
an old man ; his curiosity was but less remarkable than his open- 
mindedness. He started life, no doubt, with a fairly strong crop of 
anti-British prejudices. But these had been toned down by travel in 
England and close intercourse with individual Englishmen. If he liked 


us at all he would take us to his heart as frankly as though we had been 
born in Massachusetts itself. But he was always ready for a fight, either 
across the dinner table or by correspondence. He fairly revelled in a 
stiff argument, and as he seldom made a statement for which he could 
not give chapter and verse, he was a tough antagonist. Once I caught 
him tripping. Just by way of "drawing" him I had repeated in a letter 
the statement (casually recalled from a forgotten magazine or pamphlet) 
that an eminent Abolitionist for whom Charles Dalton entertained a 
special esteem had himself been a slave-holder. By return of post came 
an indignant repudiation with the demand for my authority. The 
prospect of research in order to make good my random assertion was 
somewhat disconcerting. But there was no way out of it. Before I had 
entered on my labours with the British Museum catalogue, however, 
I received another letter from Boston — ruefully admitting the charge. 
Charles Dalton had himself gone laboriously into the question, and 
found the case proved against his view, though with extenuating cir- 
cumstances. The incident seems worth recording as proof of the 
trouble which a busy man would take in a matter which he thought 
important and of his intellectual candour. If he had left me to myself, 
I should probably have been obliged to withdraw my statement. 

When the question of protecting British industries and foster- 
ing Imperial trade through a revised tariff was raised by Mr. 
Chamberlain in 1903, Charles Dalton engaged with me in a long 
and somewhat detailed correspondence. While he did not believe that 
the people of Great Britain would ever agree to what he called " mon- 
keying with the food supply J? by curtailment of United States imports, 
he was quite as warm in support of defensive operations in favour of 
British home manufactures as though the new duties would not be 
largely directed against American competitors. The idea that such 
a policy might generate bad blood between the two countries he 
laughed to scorn. Moreover he was at considerable pains to show 
that the enhanced prices in America were more than compensated 
by the higher rate of wages and salaries. He spent quite a num- 
ber of days in collecting and arranging statistics aimed at showing 
that the workingmen and poorer class of clerks in England would 
not necessarily suffer under a protective tariff. 

On the fishery disputes between Great Britain and the United States 
— or, perhaps one should say, between the London and Washington 
governments — it was natural that a strongly American line should be 
taken by a man associated with the Republican party in Massachusetts 
and a cordial, if occasionally discriminating, supporter of recent admin- 
istrations. But his chief anxiety was that all such outstanding ques- 
tions should be brought to a satisfactory settlement. When a change 
was made, a little time after, in the British Embassy at Washington, 


he wrote at once to make all possible inquiries about the new repre- 
sentative of Great Britain. As a man of the world, who was acquainted 
with some of the most influential persons in American politics, he knew 
how important a part may be played in public affairs by the personal 
qualities of the diplomatists employed by a Foreign Power. On 
national enterprises in which he took pride, such as the completion of 
the Trans-Isthmian Canal, Charles Dalton spared no trouble in collect- 
ing and forwarding information that might usefully be circulated in 
England. He delighted also in giving me fresh and unconventional 
sketches of eminent countrymen. Over and over again, when writing, 
from the British point of view, upon some international controversy, I 
have found my phrases mitigated, perhaps my judgment modified, by 
recalling a sentence in one of Charles Dalton's lucid, reasoned, and 
pointed letters. That his opinions were un tinged by patriotic prepos- 
session he would never have pretended, but his sincerity was so 
obvious, his outlook so broad, that one felt confident, on reading what 
he had written, that one was being brought into communion with the 
highest individual expression of the dominant American feeling. 

A few passages from his letters to another London friend 
attest the truth of this description. " Do not destroy your 
Lords ! " he wrote in 1885. " It is said Americans admire 
them, and so they do, your cathedrals and castles and great 
estates. If you want Democracy, come here or go to any of 
your colonies, but keep Old England for what she has been 
and is, Lords and all." And again in another letter: 

You cannot approve of the Republican protective policy, nor do I 
wonder at it from an English point of view, for I suppose such a policy 
would be fatal to England. But our conditions permit, or rather, 
demand, our own methods, whereby, as I suggested to you, America 
may become, as she rapidly is doing, a self supporting nation . . . 
Why should we follow in England's wake [in regard to foreign expan- 
sion] . . . Our civilizing functions are exercised upon subjects coming 
to us instead of our going to them. Do you appreciate this task ? A 
daily stream, 1500 to 2000 strong, every day in the year, mostly igno- 
rant, with wrong ideas, many with vicious habits to be trained to 
become respectable, voting citizens. It is a contract which no other 
nation would, or perhaps could, undertake. 

The crowning reward of this long and active life of upright 
character and disinterested public service was a truly beautiful 
old age and a blessedly peaceful death. The gentlest, sunniest 
side of his character was all to the fore in his declining years, 


And that which should accompany old age 
As honor, love, obedience, troops of friends 

he enjoyed in fullest measure. His earlier activities were of 
course diminished, but by no means entirely cut off, and 
further restriction, which might have been irksome, and which 
his physician contemplated advising in his last days, were 
spared him by the quiet sleep into which he fell, all uncon- 
scious of his approaching end, on the morning of 23 February, 
1908, and from which he knew no waking. 

The salient feature of Mr. Dalton's character, as the fore- 
going sketch has been primarily intended to show, was 
helpfulness — helpfulness in the largest sense of the word, 
helpfulness toward individuals and towards the community at 
large. Some of his more distinguished public services have 
been already touched upon ; those w T hich he rendered to single 
persons, though impossible to enumerate, formed an equally 
important part of his life. Though a generous giver of money, 
he preferred the more ambitious and active methods of aiding 
by unstinted devotion of time, energy, and patience. A con- 
temporary and friend of thirty years says of him : 

He was a very rare man in his simplicity, his high standards, his 
never failing public spirit, his generosity and his kindliness. This 
community owes him more than many realize, not only for what he did 
in so many ways to help his fellow-citizens, but for his example, — for 
his life, which was a constant example. In a generation when men are 
advertising themselves, seeking offices, honors and money, he was con- 
spicuous for seeking none of these, and asking only for opportunities to 
serve. We have too few such men, and the loss of such a man is a 
public calamity. 

Next to this quality of helpfulness should be placed the re- 
markable energy, masterfulness, and virility of his character. 
Shirking and laziness were abhorrent to him. He saw the end 
to be gained with unvarying clearness, and was direct and 
forcible in his methods of attaining it, and perhaps sometimes 
a little hast}^ in his judgments of those who disagreed with 
him. He had his full share of gaudium certaminis, and never 
flinched from any task which demanded a struggle or a con- 
test. But he never suffered a temporary difference of opinion 


permanently to cloud his relations with his fellow-men: he 
never let the sun go down upon his wrath, nor permitted any 
vexatious incident to disturb the current of his naturally 
cheerful and genial disposition. His was a conspicuous case 
of the ripening and mellowing of old age. Without abating 
one jot of the vigor and forcibleness which had characterized 
him from the first, he grew wonderfully in the complementary 
virtues of gentleness, patience, and serenity. 

He was a most genial and charming host, and, once more 
like his grandfather, " was fond of generous living and accus- 
tomed to make ample provision for his bodily comfort, but 
was never excessive in any personal indulgence." His bear- 
ing was always distinguished by a certain gallant quality, pe- 
culiarly his own, which marked him off as one of eminence and 
distinction among his fellow-men. To those in his emplo} 7 ment 
he was unvaryingly kind, " his help to them being usually given 
in the form of a surprise," as one of them writes. He de- 
lighted in the society of younger men and women, and they in 
turn esteemed it the greatest privilege to sit by his fireside or 
at his table, and to hear and participate in the interesting con- 
versation that was always to be found there. With every age 
and walk of life he felt a warm bond of sympathy ; he never 
wavered nor faltered to the very end ; and he died, as he had 
lived, loyal and devoted to those he loved, a brave and faithful 
servant of his country and of mankind. 



The stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 13th in- 
stant, at three o'clock, p. m. ; the President in the chair. 
The record of the April meeting was read and approved. 
In the absence of the Librarian, the usual list of donors to 
the Library was read by the Corresponding Secretary. 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported and exhibited additions to the 

The Corresponding Secretary read a letter from the School 
Committee of Boston acknowledging the receipt of the resolu- 
tion of the Society against changing the name of the Win- 
throp School. 

The President reported for the Council the appointment 
of the following committees: 
House Committee, 

Messrs. Grenville H. Norcross, Samuel S. Shaw, and 
Worthington C. Ford. 
Finance Committee, 

Messrs. C. F. Adams, Grenville H. Norcross, and Charles 
P. Greenough. 
The President then appointed as the 

Committee to publish the Proceedings of the Society : 
Messrs. C. F. Adams, Edward Stanwood, and James 
Ford Rhodes. 
Professor Hart and Mr. Mead were appointed delegates to 
the celebrations in connection with the four hundredth anni- 
versary of the birth of John Calvin, the laying of the corner- 
stone of the International Monument of the Reformation at 
Geneva, Switzerland, and to the jubilee festival of the Univer- 
sity of Geneva from the second to the tenth of July next. 

It was voted that the income of the Massachusetts Histori- 
cal Trust Fund for the last financial year be retained in the 
Treasury, to be applied to such purposes as the Council may 

Colonel T. W. HrGGiNSON presented to the Society one 
of the silver medals given by General Butler to his colored 



soldiers in Virginia, bearing the words " Distinguished for 
Courage Campaign before Richmond, 1864." 
Mr. Quixcy made the following communication : 

I have here a letter recently found among some papers in 
my possession. It has reference to that memorable visit of 
Lafayette to this country, where, nearly fifty years before, he 
had fought for the liberties of the colonies. Although the 
visit occurred several years before my birth, I sometimes find 
it difficult to believe that I was not present at his glowing 
reception ; for the wave of enthusiasm that then passed over 
the land had not quite subsided during my boyhood. Con- 
stantly hearing of incidents connected with his remarkable 
progress, I seemed to enjoy, although at second-hand, some- 
thing of the fervor awakened by personal contact with the 
nation's guest. While historians faithfully give us the facts 
connected with an historic incident, they are unable to repro- 
duce the cotemporary emotion which environed it. For this 
we must look to such personal records as the one I shall now 
read. This letter was addressed to my grandmother by Mrs. 
Ann Tracy, an excellent woman and a warm friend of its 
recipient. It abounds in such feminine emphasis as capitals 
and frequent underscorings were held to convey. Mr. Tracy 
was doing pastoral duty in the town of Biddeford, Maine. 
Both husband and wife did no more than share in the general 
uplift of feeling excited by the presence of Lafayette. 

Tuesday morng. June 28. [1825] 
What will you say, my dear friend, when I tell you that the Illus- 
trious Lafayette worshipped at our little Church on Sabbath morning ! 
Will not all your sympathy be awakened for M r Tracy, 1 when I tell 
you that he had not received the slightest intimation of the possibility 
of such an event — till Sabbath morn g half an hour before the service 
commenced ! A note from Col Emery had been forwarded on Saturday 
eve g to M r George Thacher announcing the intention of our National 

1 Rev. Thomas Tracy (H. C. 1806) was born in Haverhill, Massachusetts, 
March 26, 1781, married Ann, daughter of John and Ann (Roberts) Bromfield, 
of Newburyport, and became on January 14, 1824, pastor of the Second Religious 
Society in Biddeford, Maine, where he remained until he was installed as pastor 
of the Second Parish in Saco on November 21, 1827. Some notes on the visit 
of Lafayette to Saco and Biddeford at this time, taken from the " American 
Patriot" (Portland, Maine), are to be found in D. E. Owen's "Old Times in 
Saco" (1891), 126. 


guest to attend meeting at Brddeford — but it failed — and M r Thacher 
knew nothing of it till Lafayette arrived in Saco on Sunday. Mr T 
drove over instantly to inform M r Tracy. For a few moments my 
husband said he felt paralyzed by the unexpectedness of the thing — and 
the certainty that nothing could then be done suitable to the occasion. 
After talking a few moments with M r Thacher he determined to take a 
sermon whh he had formerly delivered from the words ■ — " On that 
night was Belshazzar, king of the Chaldeans, slain I " — whh he hastily 
looked over — and wrote two additional pages at the close, for the occa- 
sion, with the rapidity of lightning. I thought at first I would copy 
these two pages for you — but conclude to wait till I can send or read 
to yoa the whole sermon, because the value of those depended upon 
their being viewed in connection with what went before. Suffice it to 
say, that after having cast into merited contempt & obscurity the splen- 
dours of impious Kings and .Emperors — the base oppressors and tyrants 
of the earth, — that by a happy transition he directed the attention of 
his hearers to the Illustrious Individual before them — the friend of 
America — of human-kind &c &c. Mr. T. went thro' all the Services 
with a devout composedness of manner — that would have delighted 
you I am sure. Lafayette sat in M r H. S. Thacher's pew — where I 
have always sat — and I had the pleasure of pressing his hand to my 
lips as the venerable man extended his to shake hands with me — the 
compliment was returned ! He waited till M r T. came down the aysle 
and then taking his hand thanked him cordially for the welcome he had 
given him, &c. &c. 

Wed. Morng. Is it not a singular fact that I should have been per- 
mitted (living as we do in this unimportant Village) to pay in person to 
this Illustrious Man — all the respect and homage whh it was in my 
power to pay — to this Man, whose fame and friendship for our Country 

— awakened a thrill of enthusiastic admiration in my earliest child- 
hood! — And that my husband should have been permitted to preach 
in his presence, & to have received his marked approbation. We have 
heard, altho' it may not be true — that Lafayette had expressed more 
than once a strong desire of possessing a copy of the Sermon. 

M r T's text in the aft n was — but I have not time for another word 

— we must wait till we meet face to face. . . . Truly yr. affect 

A. T. 

[Addressed] To M" E. S. Quincy. 

N° 1. Hamilton Place. Boston. 

Post. Script. Wed. Aftn. 

My dearest friend — M r George Thacher has just been in to 
see Mother and express his regret that she could not have been at Meet- 
ing on Sunday. He said that Lafayette and his Suite expressed the 
highest gratification at the moment and that he had charged Col Emery, 


who accompanied him on his return as far as Dover to call, for him, upon 
M r Tracy — and express again his gratification and regards. I told 
M r Timelier I had been writing to you — and he directly asked me if I 
had mentioned the Amen? — on my answering in the negative — he 
said it was a great omission — and begged me to insert it at his instance. 
As M r Tracy closed one period with the following words "Yes — wel- 
come and imitate our Nation's Guest — The Champion of freedom — the 
friend of human-kind ! " a distinct Amen was shouted in a clear loud 
voice — it was startling, as the report of a pistol ! We afterwards un- 
derstood that it proceeded from a warm-hearted Methodist, a Capt of a 
Coaster from Cape Cod — and who always attends M r T's meeting when 
in Town. 

Mr. Ford, for Mr. Howe, called attention to the letter of 
Nicholas Biddle given below : 

In 1824 Congress voted to Lafayette the sum of 1200,000 
in recognition of his services in the War of Independence. 
The General was then in this country, and wrote to Nicholas 
Biddle, president of the Bank of the United States, asking for 
advice on investing his gift, mentioning the stocks of the Bank 
and of the United States as being present in his mind. The 
reply of Biddle is now among the Bancroft Papers, deposited in 
the Society. It was received by Bancroft, in 1867, from Samuel 
L. Gouverneur, the son-in-law of James Monroe, but the occa- 
sion of his sending it is not known. The letter marks Biddle 
as a good adviser, and not as a " promoter " of his own institu- 
tion. The national six per cent stocks were then selling from 
par (1812) to 9 premium, and the Bank stock was quoted at 
117 and 120. 

Bank of the United States, Jany, 18, 1825. 

My dear Sir, — I now resume the subject of my letter of the 15 th 
inst. You have done me the honor to ask my opinion as to the best 
mode of investing $120,000, intimating your disposition to place them 
in some national fund such as the shares of the Bank of the United 
States, or the stock of the Government of the U. States. In recom- 
mending a choice between these two modes of investment, my con- 
nexion with the Bank imposes on me a delicate task. I do not hesitate 
to say, what my position in some degree enables me to know, that the 
Bank of the United States offers a good and safe investment, and that 
everything in its present situation seems to promise its future prosper- 
ity. Nevertheless, I will not suffer my attachment to its interests to 
conceal from me, that it is a very extensive and complicated establish- 


ment, which the most active administration cannot preserve from the 
hazard of loss ; that it is necessarily exposed to many contingencies, 
and that the value of its stock has undergone many fluctuations. Now, 
we are all interested that your fortune should hereafter be subjected to 
the least possible hazard and that you should be perfectly secure in the 
enjoyment of the sum which the nation has repaid to you. You have 
already suffered too much for us, we must not permit you to suffer by 
us. Altho' therefore I have entire confidence in the stock of the Bank 
of the United States, I say with the utmost frankness, that I do not 
recommend to you an investment in that stock, nor in any Bank stock, 
the profits of which are naturally unequal and contingent, but advise in 
preference the stock of the United States which, though it may yield 
a lower interest, is beyond the reach of all casualties. The only diffi- 
culty in relation to this is, that the abundance of money has so raised 
the price of the public funds as to expose a purchaser at the present 
moment to a considerable sacrifice. To obviate this inconvenience, I 
have this morning consulted my colleagues the Directors of the Bank, 
who I knew were anxious to testify their respect and regard for you, 
and they have accordingly, with the utmost promptness and cheerfulness, 
by an unanimous vote of the Board, authorized me to assure you, 
That if it be agreeable to you to share in the late loan of four and a 
half per cent stock, taken by the Bank, they will with great pleasure 
furnish you with the amount you wish, at par. and moreover, 
That the Bank will undertake to remit to you in France, every quarter, 
the dividends received on it, without any commission for their agency. 

It gives me great satisfaction to communicate to you this determina- 
tion, which, though it might readily have been anticipated, will yet fur- 
nish an evidence of the disposition which the Directors of the Bank 
feel, in common with all their fellow citizens, to promote your interests. 
If after consideration, you should think it advisable to adopt this sug- 
gestion, it shall be immediately carried into execution, when I hear 
from you ; and in the mean time I remain, with great respect and 
esteem, very sincerely yrs. 

General Lafayette Prest. 

Washington Cola. 

Mr. Hunnewell, in presenting one of twenty-five copies 
of a reprint of his paper on Boston, Lincolnshire, England, 
asked attention to statements recently made that the Reverend 
John Cotton's precious sermon, " God's Promise to His Plan- 
tation," 1630, had become nearly unknown. In this paper, 
read twenty-two years ago to a large meeting of the Bostonian 
Society in the Old State House, he had spoken of it, and 


quoted from it, using a fine copy that he bought nearly thirty 
years ago and still owns. He also spoke of current errors 
about St. Botolph's Church, of the grandeur of its tower, and 
of the inadvisability of copying the body of the church for a 
cathedral in our Boston, as has been suggested. 
Mr. Ford communicated the following letters : 

In the Washburn collection of Autographs, in this Society, 
are a number of letters of James Monroe, most of which are 
addressed to his friend, John Taylor, of Caroline, the most 
earnest supporter of republican ideas in public policy to be 
found in Virginia. Three of the letters, and each of high im- 
portance, have been printed in Hamilton's " Writings of James 
Monroe," and are not repeated in this place. These letters 
are dated Paris, June 23, 1795 ; Albemarle, September 10, 
1810 ; and Richmond, January 23, 1811. Of so great impor- 
tance did Monroe regard his letter of June 23, 1795, that he 
prepared no less than six copies, sending one each to Dr. Logan, 
Aaron Burr, John Beckley, R. R. Livingston, Thomas Jeffer- 
son, and John Taylor. The letters now printed are new 
material, needed to complete the record of the Hamilton com- 
pilation. To them have been added a few taken from the 
Jefferson Papers in the possession of the Society. 

To Thomas Jefferson. 1 

Albemarle Jany. 16, 1790. 

Dear Sir, — The badness of the weather and Mrs. M. ill health 
has prevented our calling on you since we saw you. As the people of 
the county entend to make you their acknowledgments for y r services, 
some time in the course of the ensuing week, I have thought it might 
not be improper to give you a view of the manner in w h they propose 
to express them. I forwarded y r letters by the post to Richmond 
on Monday. 

I wish to consult you upon some concerns of importance to the 
bearer, my brother. He has been in Scotland since 1783, and is now 
in his 19th year. His acquirments in the classics are respectable. In 
the line of philosophy, history, &c less so, owing to his having been 
depriv'd of the admonition of a friend, who had return'd to this coun- 
try,' when it became of the most importance. In this stage his youthful 
propensities for gaiety and society, gain'd the ascendency over his 

1 From the Jefferson Papers. 


prudence, and took him in a great measure from his studies, and led 
him into some expences that were improper, and wh he sincerely la- 
ments. He is now with me reading the law and applies to it with great 
assiduity. I think his genius equal to any thing he may undertake 
and I have no doubt of the necessary exertions on his part for the 
future. The consideration that gives me the greatest uneasiness is, his 
having contracted an impedement since he left this country ; it has 
however diminish'd since his arrival. Whether he will ever get the 
better of it, or if it shod, always remain as at present, whether with this 
difficulty to encounter, it wod. be proper for him to undertake it or 
pursue some other course of life I cannot well determine. Your opin- 
ion upon this subject will be most agreable to us both, and if it shod, 
be in favor of his pursuing the law, wod. encourage him much in the 
undertaking. I[t] has occurr'd to me that as you will necessarily leave 
this State and Peter Carr has determin'd on the study of the law, that 
perhaps I might be of some service to him. He might calculate on 
little else than some aid in the practice, of wh. indeed I am but badly 
inform'd myself. A residence in this neighbourhood might be cheaper. 
If any induc'ment shod, make it for his benefit, I need not assure you 
with what pleasure I wod embrace an opportunity to serve him. As 
the young man will expect some conversation with you it may increase 
his impediment. With the greatest respect and esteem I am affecty y r 
friend and Servt. 

Jas. Monroe. 

To Thomas Jefferson. 1 

Fredericksburg May 26. 1790. 

Dear Sir, — Your Friends have been made uneasy by a report of 
y r indisposition, but flatter themselves it has been remov'd ere this, as 
they hear it was a periodical complaint you have had before & wh. was 
never accompanied with any dangerous symptoms. I have just re- 
turn'd from Albemarle whither I went lately from the chancery to 
qualify in the circuit court of the U. States. The Judges were detain'd 
only one day as they had no business before them. Mr. Hanson will 
I presume commence a process immediately, of which you will have 
the earliest intelligence. 

No remarkable or interesting event hath happen'd in our neighbour- 
hood since you left us. Tis a theatre from wh. you are to expect nothing 
of a publick nature, and the restoration of Col. Lewis's health and the 
marriage of his daughter to Mr. Miller the only instances of change 
have I presume, been mention'd by himself. We came here to the 
district court and Mrs. Monroe has been since detain'd by the ill- 
health of our child, who is however now on the recovery. I have to 
1 From the Jefferson Papers. 


attend the residue of the chancery term, the Genl. Court, and the ap- 
peals, w h . latter will consume great part of July. I have already pass'd 
a round that has been extremely laborious. I have only to wish and 
to bear with patience the revolution of the year to the month of Deer. 
w h . will restore me again to my family in my own house in Albemarle, 
and to hope we may again have the pleasure of your company there. 

To compensate for the trouble of an occasional remembrance, I have 
little to give you in return, except the best wishes for your health and 
welfare of your very affectionate friend and servant, 

Jas. Monroe. 

To the Governor of Virginia. 1 

Philadelphia, May 9, 1792. 

Sir, — We have the honor to inform your Excellency that the late 
Session of Congress ended yesterday, to convene again on the first 
Monday in November next. 

As tis the duty of the Secretary of State to transmit to the Execu- 
tives of the Several States, the acts of Congress as they pass, it will be 
unnecessary for us to trouble you with details, already furnished by 
that department. To these therefore we beg leave to refer for the acts 
of the late Session. 

We were very desirous of obtaining an act explanatory of that which 
passed in the Second Session of the former Congress, to secure beyond 
controversy the rights of the officers of the Virginia line, to lands lying 
north west the river Ohio, and reserved to them by the act of cession 
to the United States : but the defeat of Genl. St. Clair and the exposed 
situation of the frontiers prevented any arrang'ment for the sale of the 
lands of the United States and it was impossible to procure a particular 
provision in their favor. It will most probably be taken up next Ses- 
sion, upon which occasion we shall pay due attention to the injunctions 
of the Legislature on that subject. 

The claims of Individuals that were transmitted to us, we mentioned 
in a former letter had been deposited with Colonel Davis. An act has 
since passed repealing the limitation against those founded on personal 
service. We have therefore requested him to present these to the 
proper officers of the department of the Treasury for adjustment, and to 
communicate to your Excellency the result for the information and 
benefit of the parties interested. 

We had several conferences with the Secretary of war upon the 
claim of the State for reimbursement of her expenditures in protection 
of the frontier, and were assured that not only the whole amount (a 
trifling sum excepted) shod, be paid but that he would forward it to the 
Treasury of the State. As he considered himself authorized by exist- 
1 The letter is in the writing of James Monroe. 


ing acts to make this payment, and the residue could not be obtained 
without an act of Congress, we thought it better to give it up than 
make application for it. We presume the amount has been accordingly 
forwarded to the Treasurer. 

In complyance with the instructions of the General Assembly we 
again attempted to open the doors of the Senate, and with the like suc- 
cess that had heretofore attended similar motions, A majority of 9 
were opposed to it. Tis extraordinary that although more than half 
the States in the union have expressed themselves in its favor, the 
opposition should still continue so numerous and powerful. Several of 
the members from those States which had given the most pointed in- 
structions, or declarations in its favor ; were against it. A proceeding so 
novel in a representative assembly can not long sustain itself against 
the interest and the voice of a free people. Altho' therefore the pros- 
pect is at present gloomy and perhaps distant, yet we cannot but confide 
it will ultimately take effect. You will be pleased to communicate the 
above to the General Assembly. We have the honor to be with great 
respect and esteem your Excelly's most obedient & very humble 

Richard Henry Lee 
Jas. Monroe. 

To John Taylor. 

Dear Sir, — The proceedings at Richmond in harmony with those 
at Phila. and New York set on foot by the enemies to the French revo- 
lution and republican govt., require to be counteracted. In our discus- 
sion of the means we have lamented we were not aided by yi\ councils. 
Mr. Madison however sends you the result of our deliberations on the 
subject, in hope, it will be modified by yr. self and the very respectable 
old gentleman * whose cooperation is so much desired for the purpose of 
giving dignity and effect at home and abroad to the proceeding. 

To him you can introduce the subject in such manner as will be best 
calculated to produce the effect. The Richmond Gentry are disposed 
to become active hereafter. They want to produce an effect elsewhere. 
If it passes unnoticed it will be considered as the sense of the State. 
No person shod, be inactive who disapproves the proceeding. I hope 
therefore you will cast yr. eyes about you as to the neighbring coun- 
ties, and prevent their being led astray, for tis probable attempts will 
be made on them from the Richmond committee. 

I must request information whether you take yr. family to Phila. 
and intend to take part of our house or not. I think it will accomo- 
date us fully and the arrangment will be very agreeable to us. But 
if you are fearful we and our families cannot live in peace together, and 

1 "Judge Pendleton," — note on the ms. 


that disputes may take place abt. the furniture, the wood, the servants, 
the rate of expenses, etc. upon which the best friends sometimes, after 
being at first only cool and reserved, break out into open rupture, say 
so. In that case I advise you to procure immediately other accomoda- 
tions as they will be scarce and difficult to be procured. I wish your 
decision at present only upon acct. of our friend, Mr. Madison to whom 
I have agreed to furnish a room or two in case you prefer seperate 
quarters. My best respects to Mrs Taylor and believe me, sincerely yr. 
friend and servant 

Jas. Monroe 
Albemarle, Augt. 29, 1793. 

To John Taylor. 

Albemarle, Jany 8. 1798. 

Dear Sir, — I have long wished to see you for two reasons (to 
mention no more) first because I shod, really be glad to see you. I 
shod, be glad to see if you look as young as you used to do, if your 
hair has grown out or is still kept short ; and in general to see what 
effect the time which has intervened has produc'd upon yr. figure since 
I saw you last. The second is to discourse a little upon publick topics. 
I have been kept at home by several causes since my return, or shod, 
have visited you, first, I meant to give an acct. of the conduct of our 
admn. as well as my own, 1 and therefore cod not leave home till very 
lately : second I felt a kind of repugnance to going abt. among my old 
friends till I had given that acct. I wod. mention a third one and a 
fourth but these are enough. By this time I presume my book is with 
you, and in consequence as the principal difficulties are got over I have 
serious thoughts of going to Richmond, especially if by return of post 
I hear the Assembly will be setting when I cod. get down, and in con- 
sequence may calculate on the pleasures of meeting with you and many 
others whom I greatly wish to see. 

For the present I send you in confidence two papers whose contents 
you ought to know. The first is a copy of a letter from Gen. ! W. 2 to me, 
in reply to one I wrote him, telling him that his to Gov! M. 3 had fall'n into 
the hands of the Fh. govt, and had produc'd an ill effect. 4 You will ob- 
serve that his letter referred to (as appears by this document) fell into 
the hands of the French govt, just at the time that govt, made known 
to me its discontent : that I communicated the fact to him before I was 
recalled or any rupture had taken place between us. The proof there- 

1 Published in 1797, as " A View of the Conduct of the Executive " ; 2 Wash- 
ington ; 3 Gouverneur Morris. 

4 Washington to Gouverneur Morris December 22, 1795. Monroe wrote of 
it, in cipher, to Washington March 24, 1796, and Washington replied August 25, 


fore is clear first that his letter did produce that effect, second that 
I had no motive of a personal nature in making it known to him. 
There is a trait in his letter wh. in another view merits notice. It 
bears date some considerable time after my recall was decided on, and 
7. days after Pickering's letter announcing it to me as is shown by my 
book. It is somewhat strange that he should write me a friendly letter 
at a moment when he made such an attack on my reputation. He 
ought either not have done so, supposing me what that attack im- 
plied, or knowing he had injured me acknowledged it. This shows 
that he is a man having a conscience capable of great accomodation to 
times and circumstances. 

The second paper wh. I send is the original of my letter to Beckley 
of wh. that to Dr. Logan was a copy. A copy was likewise sent to 
several others. 1 It was published in Bache's paper and in many others 
at the time, perhaps in Davis unless indeed his tory[i]sm prevented it. 
If you have read my book you will perceive that it was not designed 
to hide the author from Messrs. Washington & Co : since it was, (if 
not in some passages a copy of my official communications) yet so 
strictly in sentiment, language, and method with them, that no one possess- 
ing the one cd. doubt who the author of the other was. My short note 
to Logan proposes to give a sketch of the progress of the French Revo- 
lution, to inform the community more correctly on that head, than they 
had been or cod. be thro, the channel of the English prints : requesting 
also that the thing might be so arranged that it might not be positively 
known that I was the author : tho' indeed abt. that I did not much 
care. What objection then cd. the Executive have to my giving oc- 
casionally such a sketch ? Had they rather the publick mind shod be 
debauched by British prints than correctly informed by me? Or were 
they afraid that other truths shod, occasionally find their way thro' that 
channel to the publick which they wished to smother? Did they wish 
to hold the publick in the dark, that they might receive impressions 
from them alone? Or that my correspondence shod, be pillaged by 
themselves only and my name used to wound the cause to which I was 
devoted, (to promote wh. I accepted a trust under Mr. W:) as was done 
in the case of the publication of the history I gave of the Jacobin Soci- 
eties, when the denunciation of our democratic societies was depending? 
Knowing the principles of the admn. I can readily conceive it wod. be 
alarmed much at the prospect of such communications. But what con- 
clusion do these two facts lead us into. Mr. W. can trample the con- 
stitution under foot, in rejecting the channel of publick ministers, to 
intrigue with the British govt., thro Govr. Morris, a man without 
morality, an avowed royalist, with no traits abt. him but such as are 

1 His letter of June 23, 1795, printed in Hamilton's " Writings of James 
Monroe," ii. 292. 


infamous, and takes alarm and proclaims a plot when a representative, 
like himself, of the U. S., is about to give truths to his countrymen, 
upon interesting topics, with which the govt, hath nothing to do more 
than they. As to the impudent and foolish clamour abt. separating the 
govt, from the people, it will be observed that at the time this letter 
was written the treaty was not known to me, was not ratified, nor certain 
that it wod. be. Besides Bache's paper was sent me by the department 
of State at that time. There were many reasons, why, I had continued 
the idea wh. then occurred, wh. I did not, being tqo troublesome, I 
shod, wish not to be avowed as the author, but these principally applied 
to the possibility of their coming back to France, which they might 
have done in that case, or had I been known as the author. Since be- 
ing resident there they wod probably have attracted some attention, and 
in the course of events exposed me to some danger, as the Jacobin story 
did, when for a while that party was likely to preponderate. 

If you think it worth while you may insert this letter in the gazette 
with such comments as you chuse to make on it; or get some other 
friend to do it. I put the other paper in your possession merely to in- 
form you correctly how that matter stands. I conclude you are in con- 
fidence with W. Nicholas to whom you will likewise shew it. The 
existence of the paper had better not be known especially from our 
quarter, as it will put the party on its guard. If Mr. W. publishes his 
letter to Morris he will probably publish mine to him, and this his 
reply or expn. which it was intended to be. But as I did not disclose 
this fact in my book, from real delicacy, confining myself to publick in- 
cidents only tis possible he may not. The more however I think of 
the wickedness of that party, aud the misconduct of this man, the more 
I am satisfied his true character ought to be made known to the pub- 
lick. Having the document the fact may be treated with greater free- 
dom. Let me hear from you by return of the post and believe me 
sincerely your friend and servt 

Jas. Monroe 

What the letter to Morris was I know not having not seen it. I 
presume this is the most favorable acct. of it ; I understood however 
that at the same time that it charges many enormities on the Bh. Govt, 
wh. he never stated to Congress, but wod. have stated had they been 
rendred by France, he most earnestly urges a change of policy in that 
govt, from a regard for its own interest, if no other motive had weight. 
In speaking at the time to Revelliere le Peaux, a member of the direc- 
tory, in terms highly favorable of Gl. W. he replied to me explicitly, 
that they had it under his own hand in evidence that he preferred a 
connection with Engld. to one with France, by wh. I understood that 
that document satisfied the Frh. govt, of the fact. I communicated 


this to Dr. Edwards (now in Phila) immediately afterwards : indeed as 
I returned from that gentn's quarters. This construction may be a 
forced one. Admitting it to be so, it does not justify the principle or 

To Edmund Pendleton. 

Richmond, March 5th. 1800 

Dear Sir, — A doubt exists under the Constitution of the State, 
whether the Chief Magistrate has a right to vote in cases where the 
Council are equally divided. 

To me, as you will readily conceive, it is a matter of perfect indif- 
ference how the point is settled. 

Happily under our Constitution the power is so distributed and 
restricted, that no individual can feel a personal interest in any trust 
reposed in him. His term of service is so short, and responsibility to 
his Constituents so immediate, chat he can never forget he is the ser- 
vant of the People. But in the place I hold, I ou<>;ht to have an opin- 
ion, and act on it when called on so to do. Thus circumstanced it is my 
wish to consult the judgment of some few of our enlightened Citizens, 
that thus advised, I may be better enabled to form a correct opinion on 
the subject. With this view I address you, not as a Judge, but an 
individual, in the hope you will find yourself perfectly at liberty to com- 
ply with my request. It is unnecessary to refer to the clauses in the 
Constitution which have reference to the subject, since they are already 
well known to you. With great respect and esteem I am dear Sir, 
yr. obedient servant 

Jas. Monroe 
To John Taylor. 

New York, March 6, 1803. 
Dear Sir, — You have heard of my late appointment to Europe 
and the expectation and desire of the Executive that I shod, sail with- 
out delay. I had contemplated another disposition of my time and 
labours, for which I had some correspondent arrangments, that are 
relinquished in obedience to this unexpected summons. I am now on 
the point of sailing having taken the cabbin of a ship " the Richmond " 
of abt. 400. tons, with my family for Havre ; our baggage is on board, 
and we expect to take our departure to morrow or the next fair wind. 
The time of my absence is uncertain, but the probability is, especially 
if I go to Spain, that I shall not be back in less than 12. months. 
I shall be happy to hear from you while I am abroad; I shall write you 
in return, tho' in the present state of things in the principal country, I 
shall only be able to write when safe opportunities offer, as a reverber- 
ation may do harm. I most sincerely hope to see you in the Con- 


gress at the next session . You have it in yr. power by yr. long experience 
and perfect acquaintance with our affrs., aided as you are, by yr. stand- 
ing in society, to render immense service to your country, and I trust 
the opportunity will be presented you of doing it. The independance 
of yr. circumstances enables you to dedicate yr. time to the publick while 
it increases the obligation on you so to do. To be candid if I cod. see 
you and Giles added to the talents we already have in the H. of R., 
cooperating with the Executive in the wise system of policy which is 
adopted, I shod, think we were completely secure. I cherish the hope 
that this will be the case. The enemy tho' defeated has not lost the 
hope of rallying agn. Every unfavorable incident in our affrs turns to 
their account: besides there is a fluctuation in the minds of many, 
especially those least informed, which time and a successful career 
alone can remedy. If the people do not distinctly perceive that they 
are more faithfully and ably served, and that their cause has gained by 
the change, what is gained cannot be considered as permanent. The 
best and ablest friends of free govt. shod, therefore still stand at their 
posts to give such support to the cause as it may require. I am aware 
of the importance of the trust reposed in me on this occasion, and 
altho' I cannot promise success in any degree yet I think I may that if 
I do not improve our situation I will not, deteriorate it. Be so kind as 
make my best respects to our venerable friend Judge Pendleton and to 
Dr Bankhead in P. Royal. I am very sincerely yr. friend and servt 

Jas. Monroe 
[Addressed] Col: John Taylor Caroline near Port Royal Virginia 

To William B. Giles. 

London June 15, 1804. 

Dear Sir, — I reed, a short note from you by Dr. Holmes on his 
arrival here, and I avail myself of his return to inquire of yr. health, yr. 
pursuits, and whatever interests you. It will give me much pleasure to 
hear from you fully on those points, and to have also yr. sentiments on 
the situation of our affrs. wh. I trust and presume is a most favorable 

I refer you to Dr. Holmes for political information. As he has been 
in France as well as in this country he can and doubt not tell you 
every thing. Happily our relations with Europe are daily diminishing. 
Much is done in that respect, but much still remains to be done. In 
my opinion we shod, consider Europe, as we do India, all its powers 
constituting in regard to us, but one. We shod, never degrade our- 
selves, by mingling our concerns with either agnst another. Our pres- 
ent admn. combines well fact with theory and will I trust continue to 
do so. However I say but little on politicks, since letters are exposed 


to so many casualties, and harmless sentiments are so apt to be miscon- 
ceived and misrepresented shod they fall into other hands than those 
for whom they are intended, that while I remain abroad I have thought 
it best to err on the side of caution. 

In France the govt, is made heridatory with the power and title of 
Emperor in Boniparte and his family. Here a change in the ministry 
has taken place by the retreat of Mr. Addingtou J and appointment of 
Mr. Pitt to his place. Still the opposition is powerful, and it remains 
doubtful whether other changes may not take place. 

It will give me much pleasure to have it in my power to serve you 
here, if in any respect you find it practicable. My family, Mrs. M. 
especially, have not enjoyed good health here ; tho they are better at 
present than heretofore. We find the expense of subsistence excessive, 
greater than I supposed it could be here. I am dear sir sincerely 
your friend and servt 

Jas. Monroe 
Remember me to Major Egleston when you see [him] to Genl. Jones 
and Dr Short. 

[Addressed] William B. Giles Amelia County Virginia By Dr. Holmes. 

To John Taylor. 

Fredbg., May 9, 1810 

Dear Sir, — I reach'd this yesterday on my return from Washing- 
ton. I am happy to inform you that I settled my acct. to the satisfac- 
tion of the govt, and of myself. Every point which I made was 
decided in my favor, except one, and that was reserved for further con- 
sideration, not given agnst me. Without taking the latter into view, I 
owe a balance of abt. 150. dollrs. If that is settled in my favor at 
least 2000 will be due me. They allowed me my outfits to Paris and 
London, and expenses to Spain with contingencies. The point reserved 
is for extra expenses in Engld. after my return from Spain when I had 
permission of the govt, to return home. Having calculated on sailing, 
six weeks after I got back to London, I had made arrangements for it, 
but was detained by the siezures of our vessels and the discussions 
which followed, then by the spcl. mission and negotiation &c. These 
causes kept me there two years and 3 months, altho' there never was a 
time in the whole interval when I did not expect to set out in a short 
time. My house rent had I expected to stay so long wod have been 
£250 per anm, whereas by taking a furnished one it was 500 guineas. 
The expense was also raised, by being on the move, considerably in 
other respects. Mr. King was detained a month by some business after 
he had taken a vessel, and they allowed him the demurrage abt 750. 

1 Addington declared his intention to resign on April 30, 1804. 


dolrs. It was thought that my case did not come up to that. It was 
admitted that equity was with me, not the law, but it was agreed that if 
I wod. state my claim in a letter to the Secretary of State, he wod. 
answer it in my favor on equitable ground, tho I might lay it before the 
Congress. What think you of it ? I will at my leisure send you my 
remarks, &c on every point that you may be better enabled to decide on 
this question. Your observations were of infinite use to me. I fol- 
lowed your plan in every point, and in many instances adopted yr. 
language. Captn. Bankheads claim entire was allowed. There was 
no objection to it. He really owes that to you, for I shod not have 
asked the whole, tho' I saw at once the justice of it. Indeed it wod. 
have been very unjust to have deprived him of a cent of it. He will 
owe me a trifling balance not included in it for boots of which Mr 
McGruder has a note. Tell him to send me that by the post to Milton, 
and be so good as to inform his family of the above. 

The President reed, me with great kindness, as did the heads of 
departments. Indeed I had proofs of kindness from every one, many 
of whom, I did not expect it. It shows that they think I have been 
pushed too hard, for any errors imputed to me. The cause of the late 
proposal, of a station near the Rocky mountain, was explained in a very 
satisfactory manner. A friend of mine from Kentucky, had induced 
Mr. Graham in the department of State to believe that I wished it, and 
he proposed it to the Presidt., who doubted, thinking that the offer of 
the appointmt. to me wod. be an insult, but not willing on such author- 
ity to disregard the intimation, got Mr Jefferson to sound me. Finding 
that I was hurt as well as astonished at the proposition, he took it to 
himself. I had this from Graham of whose friendship I have no doubt. 
Major Morrison who mentioned it to him, is an honest man, and I cannot 
account for his conduct otherwise than as he is very desirous of pre- 
vailing on me to move westward. I write you in great haste and am 
very sincerely your friend 

Jas. Monroe 

To John Taylor. 

Dear Sir, — The letter which you will receive with this was begun 
at the time stated in it, but not concluded while your son Edmund was 
with me, in consequence it was put aside for a week or two for the want 
of a private conveyance. I brought it so far with me, with intention 
to have sent my servant with it, but meeting my brother Andrew here, 
have requested him to call by with it. I wod. have gone on to your 
house and staid a day or two with you, to confer on many matters of a 
private and publick nature, but am engaged to meet some persons to day 
at Fredbg. on the business of the late Judge's estate, and wish to hurry 
to Loudoun to be there some few days before that appointed for the 


sale. A thousand plantation concerns prevented my leaving home 
sooner. I do not give it as a reason that I do not call on you now that 
a considerable anxiety is excited in certain quarters by our intercourse 
and communication, because it is not the true one, and because the 
manifestation of that anxiety in the underliug tribe excites my con- 
tempt. My brother will return by your house on his way to Loudoun 
and bring me yr answer. How shall I settle my account with my late 
uncle's estate ? Shall I institute a suit in chy. making all the devisees 
parties, or can it be done by an order of the court in the suit with 
Dawson, who has set up an acct. agnst the estate? The former appears 
to me to be the most correct course, as in the suit with Dawson only 
one party interested is before the court. Ought I to make the credi- 
tors parties also? All of them are not known. Several persons desir- 
ous of purchasing the land in Loudoun stand back in the hope of getting 
it for a trifle, as they conclude that it will be sold. It happens that the 
mortgage to Yates wh was given soon after our purchase, when we held 
4400 acres was for 1500, and of lots dispersed over the whole tract. 
After this we sold 2200, and in consequence thereof the mortgage 
covers a part of that sold, and in it a considerable proportion of mine ; 
the legal title being in the old gentleman, is the mortgagee to be bene- 
fited by the mortgage to my prejudice? The debt is abt £2400., and 
the old gentleman's proportion of the land (he having sold after I left the 
country without my consent or knowledge abt 300 acres) is less than 
800. If these are sold by decree, or under pressure, they will not pay 
the debt, altho' worth considerably more. Wod. you buy them, assum- 
ing on my part the debt, with intention to put the whole estate in better 
order and sell out to greater advantage ? These questions are not all 
of a legal nature, but you know that I consult on other topicks also. 
No one manages better than you, and I wish to get a little of your 
knowledge in that way also. 

I hear that England has followed the example of France in revoking 
her orders of blockade. If this is true, the acts of these govts, prove 
that we succeed better by doing nothing, than by the measures lately 
resorted to. The truth was that the embargo supported a very danger- 
ous conflict at home, hazarding the republican cause, union &c. wliile it 
afforded vast amusement to those powers. The danger still to be ap- 
prehended is that we may be drawn into a war with France, for I con- 
sider the repeal of her decrees only a new political maneuvre. I wish 
to hear from you on these subjects and am sincerely your friend, 

Jas Monroe 

25. Octr 1810. 

Mill hill, Caroline. 

As soon as I get home I shall write you respecting my remaining claim 
on the govt. I could not take a copy of my explanatory observation 



on the several items of my acct. ; in consequence of which I asked and 
Mr Smith promised to make and send me a copy. He has omitted to 
do so. I wrote him for it, just as I left home, and expect it on my 
return, when you shall hear from me on it. 

To John Taylor. 

Washington April 7 1811. 

Dear Sir, — I intended to have written from Fredericksburg, but 
I arrived so late there on Thursday, and set out so early the next morn- 
ing that it was impossible. 

I reed, both your letters, and your advice concurring with that of 
some other friends whom I consulted, I have as you perceive followed 
it. I confess that I felt much repugnance to a resignation of the office 
which I left. Grateful to the state for its confidence and kindness, I 
embarked on this new scene with much anxiety as to the result. 1 I 
come however resolved to acquit myself to the utmost of my abilities, 
and with firmness where the occasion requires it. 

Publick measures seem to be suspended, or rather publick expecta- 
tion, waiting the return of the Essex, which will bring dispatches from 
our ministers in Europe. I am too lately arrived, to have gained much 
insight, into those affrs, with which I was not previously acquainted. I 
wish often to hear from you and that you will communicate your senti- 
ments freely to me on publick measures. I am perfectly at liberty to 
pursue in all things the counsel which my judgment dictates, as being 
most likely to promote the publick welfare. You will be sensible that 
I would not have come here on any other principle. It will be satis- 
factory to you to know, because it is creditable to the govt., that a con- 
trary idea was not even hinted. As I wish to communicate with you 
freely, it will of course be confidential. 

I am very sincerely your friend, 

Jas. Monroe. 

To John Taylor. 

Washington, Novr. 30, 1813. 
Dear Sir, — Having had no good intelligence to communicate to 
you of late, I have contented myself with sending to you reports, justifi- 
catory of the war, of its vigorous prosecution with a view to an early 
and honorable termination of it, of documents which demonstrate that 
there is no such thing as French influence, and the like. I believe I 
must follow up this plan till the prospect changes, unless you will gen- 
erously come forward and give us your best aid to accomplish these 
objects, so necessary to the welfare of our country, and to the support 
1 He was now Secretary of State in Madison's Cabinet. 


and permanence of our republican government. We cannot but lament 
your inactivity. I do most sincerely, on many considerations, private 
as well as public. I should have been happy to have made you a visit 
and staid some days with you, but ever since my arrival here, I have 
been so deeply engaged in the duties of the office, that I have had few 
leisure moments to visit my friends and attend to my private concerns. 
Be assured, when I came here, that I did every thing in my power to 
produce a change of policy in the British cabinet, to avoid war, as weli 
in conference with Mr Foster, as in letters to persons in England, who 
would, as I knew, bring them into consideration, by those in power. 
To the latest moment, before the decln of war, Mr Foster assured me, 
that the orders in council would not be repealed, and nothing was reed 
from Engld which indue'd a different hope. I had written to the friends 
of Mr. Fox and had they come in, under the Regent, I have no doubt 
that an accomodation would have ensued. Not being brought into the 
Ministry, they had nothing to say to me. Impressment having long 
been a ground of complaint, and a principal cause of the war, the 
British claim would have been confirm'd, as it was thought, if the war 
was terminated without some adequate provision for it. I was satisfied, 
that, had we caught, at the modified repeal of the orders in council, 
made afterwards without an arrangement of other questions particularly 
that of impressment, the British govt, would have concluded that it had 
gained a victory, and maintained its whole system in full vigor, even 
the principles of the orders in council in the form of blockades, against 
the U states. Having gone to war, it seemed to be our duty, not to 
withdraw from it, till the rights of our country were plac'd on a more 
secure basis. Should the U states succeed in the war, as I have no 
doubt they will ultimately, two important results will grow out of it, 
distinct from the mere grounds of the controversy, the 1st is, it will put 
down for ever, this menace of disunion, which the Eastern people who 
profit most by the union, are incessantly ringing in our ears. The 
second, it will prove that free govt, is an efficient govt., for the neces- 
sary purposes of the nation. The demonstration of these two very 
important propositions, will be of incalculable advantage to us, at home 
and abroad. I admit, that we ought not to have sought the demonstra- 
tion of them unnecessarily. My opinion was, that our affairs had got 
into that state, had we yielded to G Britain, without a struggle, our 
govt, would have received a wound from which it would most proba- 
bly never have recovered. As it is, our national reputation has risen 
considerably abroad, and if we succeed, as I trust we shall, the best 
effects will result from it. 

I began this letter with intention to consult you on an affair of a pri- 
vate nature, treated on in the enclosed paper, with which you are well 
acquainted. Indeed you will see in it, in the most important parts your 


own work. I wish you to peruse it attentively and to tell me whether 
there is any part that you would omit in the report which must be made 
to Congress, in complyance with Mr Eppes's resolution. When I was 
nominated to the Senate Mr. Giles, charged me, with having been fa- 
vored in the settlement of my account by the govt., and I then learned 
that he had made a similar charge against me, in Richmond, when my 
nomination to the Executive of the State was depending and even sent 
for documents, to the Treasury dept. to prove it, or stated that he had 
done so. On hearing of his attack on me in the senate, and that my 
nomination was referred to a committee to examine my account I re- 
quested the committee to examine every item in it, and to make their 
report on such strict and minute examination. They did so, and I was 
informed, that Mr Giles himself acknowledged that he was satisfied, 
drew the report to that effect, and voted for my nomination. Since that, 
some allusions have been made, as I have heard, even by him of a dif- 
ferent character, and in the last session Mr. Pitkin of the H. of Reps., 
made a charge of improper allowance to me, on account of expences in 
France on my way to Spain, attending coronation &c. These attacks, 
ungenerous and malignant, and as relates to Mr Giles, altogether un- 
provoked and unexpected, and the more so, as I was informed, when I 
came here to settle my account, that he said I had been injurd in it by 
the admn., induc'd me to suggest to Mr Eppes, the idea of the resolu- 
tion which he submitted to the house, to have the accounts of all our 
ministers, since the adoption of this constitution, brought before the 
public. It is desirable that the paper should go as it is, as it is pre- 
sumable that the passage relating to expences attending coronation &c. 
seen by Mr Giles, is that, which they expect to make most of, and 
would complain of if modified. All that they have a right to see, is the 
account and vouchers. Explanations intended for the private inspec- 
tion of the govt., may not always be fit for the public eye. Still I 
would rather let them go as they are, if you see no objection to it. 
The report of the Treasury dept. will communicate the accounts of all 
our ministers. I will send you a copy of the whole when made. Let 
me hear from you soon. Nothing new. Very sincerely your friend 

Jas Monroe 

To John Taylor. 

Fredericksburg, May 20, '15. 

Dear Sir, — It would have given Mrs Monroe and I great pleasure 
to have called and staid a day with you and Mrs Taylor, but I am forced 
to return soon to Washington, and must take Richmond and Albe- 
marle in the route. 

I was attacked just before the peace with the epedemic, which with 
some predisposing causes had nearly taken me off. I have been several 


weeks convalescent, but am far from being restored to that sound health 
which I had been blessed with in an unusual degree before. I hoped 
that this excursion wonld have been of great advantage to me, but yet 
the weather has been very unfavorable. It is now improving, and I 
proceed to day for Richmond. 

The late events in France may disturb the world, but of this there is 
no certainty. We are happily again at peace, and I trust that we shall 
long enjoy it, tho' I think that the best way to secure it, is to be pre- 
pared to defend our rights. 

I send you a copy of two reports which I made to the committee of 
the Senate on Military affrs., one on the questions agitated with the 
Eastern States opposed to the late measures, the other on the peace 
establishment. The latter was confidential and not printed. I will 
thank you to have the goodness to inclose that one to me at Richmond, 
where I shall send daily for letters, for I shall reside with Mr Hay in 
the country. 

I repeatedly told Mr Woolforth that I would write you when I could 
announce the happy event of peace, which I should have done sooner 
had I not been sick, and overwhelmed with many duties. 

I beg you to present our best regards to your Lady and sons, and to 
believe me very sincerely your friend 

Jas Monroe 

Taylor to Monroe. 

Hazelwood, May 26 1815 
Dr. Sir, — Yours of the 20th instant gives me an opportunity of 
heartily congratulating you on the peace. A succession of lucky acci- 
dents enabled the administration to get the nation out of the war, for 
which no one rejoices more than myself. Had it lasted two years 
longer, the republican party and our form of government itself, would 
have been blown up. The recent event in France proves, that the 
matter for an explosion may be ready without the knowledge of very 
cunning statesmen, or the suspicion of the world. The general joy on a 
barren, tho' an honourable peace, arose from the general though secret 
dislike of the war. Take care, that in praising a military ardour in 
the people, you do not create one in yourself; and renew a war, out of 
which the people had a thousand times more ardour to get, than to con- 
tinue. I knew that they would hail a naked peace as an angel from 
heaven, and I think wrote you long ago, that it would make the admin- 
istration popular, though the rest of the instrument beyond the word 
" peace" was filled up with any nonsense about sailors; and it is even 
popular without that aid. In fact, I think the administration have 
great credit for sacrificing many of their views to the national good, 


and for discovering that many of their hopes, were only the prejudices 
of patriotism ; and that this discovery by making it more wary, will 
render the nation safer in its hands than in any other. 

As your letter has only reached me this day, it is instantly answered, 
lest its slow progress might cause you to want the inclosed report, 
before it might reach you. In my judgment it comprises all that could 
be said in such a case; but this all cannot conquer my opinions, or 
prejudices if you please, against a mercenary army ; and I honour 
Macon and Eppes for their opposition to it. I think a republick can- 
not long exist, unless the body of the nation is warlike : and that it 
may be made so without war, by a wise use of money. The sum that 
would make 10000 mercenaries warlike in time of peace would make 
200000 militia nearly as much so, and they would be a much better 
garda costa. Jackson's militia disclosed their prowess both against 
Indians and Englishmen. And if an English army in Canada is a good 
reason why we should have one, the same army in England would be 
better, as it can be more easily used by sea to surprise our most vulner- 
able points, than the Canada army can by land. With respect to your 
negotiation with the refractory governors, I almost entirely agree with 
you, as I did in your principle for recruitting the army, absurdly called 
''conscription." Had the war gone on, it was the only one by which 
the country could have been defended. 

You will no doubt recover [from] your late indisposition, for your 
constitution is a good oue, but I have been long troubled with a kind of 
hectick, which gives me daily much pain, and promises me ultimate ease. 
It would be a particular pleasure to see you and Mrs : Monroe here, 
that I might once more have an opportunity of evincing how much I 
am, Your friend 

John Taylor. 

To John Taylor. 

Washington, Deer 23. 1815 
Dear Sir, — Your cause in the supreme court shall be attended. I 
have written to Mr Shay on the subject but have not received an an- 
swer. He is well qualified to manage it, being an industrious, capable 
honest, young man. I shall see him in a day or two, after which you 
shall hear from me. 

I send you Mr Dallas's report on our finances, and my report made 
last winter, on the differences between the Executives of some of the 
Eastern States, and the Executive of the U States, relative to their right, 
respectively to the command of the militia. They will give you amuse- 
ment for some leisure hour, the subjects being in themselves very 

I have lately been attacked by the prevailing epedemic, as have my 



whole family. We have all recovered, and are in good health. My 
health is better now, than at any time, since last winter, tho' not in the 
state it was, before that period. Much fatigue by official duties, much 
anxiety of mind, had nearly broken me down, before I was seized with 
the epedemic then current, by which I was brought in a few days to the 
ed^e of the grave, and from which my recovery has been slow. And 
in truth so much had I suffer'd, by difficulties of every kind, and by the 
disease, and so much did I anticipate, on rising from the bed, that could 
I have left my family in tolerable independance and comfort, I should 
have been content to bid this world adieu. I heard last summer with 
much regret of your indisposition, which was confirmed to me by your 
son, whom I met at the Springs. I am glad to hear of your convales- 
cent state, and hope for your complete recovery. I have long wished 
to spend a day or two with you, and still promise myself that satisfac- 
tion, tho' I cannot say at what time. I was sensibly affected by what 
you stated of Dr Bankhead's affectionate kindness to you in your indis- 
position. It shows how strong the bond is, between those, whose life, 
is bottomd in honesty. Shades of difference in opinion may take place, 
but they cling together, in extremity. 

The kind interest you have expressed in my favor in relation to a 
particular object, was most gratifying to me, as it assured me of your 
confidence and sincere friendship. I will tell you frankly how I stand 
in that respect. Two years past Congress being in session, I obtained 
an interview, with Mr Pleasants, Mr Nelson and Mr Gholson, and 
stated to them, that I saw many reasons why the republican party 
should fix on some person to succeed Mr Madison, out of Virga ; that 
as to myself I was no candidate ; did not wish to be elected ; and would 
support any republican, in whose favor the republican party would 
decide : and told them that I made the communication to them, not as 
friends, (tho' I believed they were) but as Virginians ; that I wanted no 
answer, and authorised them to communicate what I had stated to the 
whole party. A year elapsed, and I had heard nothing on the subject, 
whence I inferrd that they had been silent from motives of delicacy. 
On going into the war department, I sent for Genl Lacock and Mr 
Roberts, senators of Pena., and stated to them, that I knew that the 
republican party, and the cause, were exposed to a great crisis and 
danger, the result of which was uncertain : that from what we knew of 
mankind, I might expect attacks on me, and the measures I might pro- 
pose, with a view to injure me, in relation to another object, which 
might injure the republican cause : that I wished to divest the dept., 
and the govt., of an opposition founded on that motive : that I wished 
and authorised them to state to the republican party, that I was no can- 
didate &c : that I thought the public interest required that they should 
fix on some person out of Virga &c : that I would support their deci- 


sion, in favor of any republican candidate. What they did I know not. 
At the close of the session, after peace, Genl. Lacock came to the office 
and told me, that had the war gone on, and our difficulties increased, 
they should have followed my advice. As things were, they were at 
liberty, to do what they thought right. I replied that my own conduct 
should correspond with what 1 had stated as it has done. 

I shall occasionally drop you a line, and shall always be very glad to 
hear from you, being very sincerely Your friend 

Jas Monroe 

To [George Graham?]. 

Washington May 28. 1818 

Dear Sir, — I set out in the morning for Annapolis, to proceed 
thence down the bay. I expect to be absent about three weeks. Mr 
Adams will prepare your instructions. My idea is to give the parties 
notice that the territory belongs to us, and to admonish them, in a 
friendly way, for having enter'd on it, without notice to us, that it was 
not done in a hostile spirit. I would act however in a kind manner 
towards them, and menace no force especially, if friendly views towards 
the U. States were professed. 1 

I enclose you a letter for Mrs Stewart, left open for your perusal. 
She wished and expected that the post office would have been given to 
her husband, but that could not be done. She has since written to me 
a letter, to which, this reply is necessary. Can not you prevail on her 
brother to take her situation under his care, and to afford her, for the 
advancement of her daughters, the most beautiful and promising girls in 
the city, some aid? I send you this open, that you may know her real 
situation, and in the hope, that by your interposition, something may be 
done, with her brother. You will after perusing, seal, and send this 
letter to her, not mentioning it to any one. Your friend 

James Monroe 

To[ ]. 

Highland, July 31. 1820 

Dear Sir, — Since my last to you and to Mr Wirt, I havereceiv'd a 

letter from Genl. Van Ness, and one from Mr Ringgold both assuring 

me that the first site, that is, on the judiciary square, is most approved 

of by the citizens for the city hall. 2 Mr Ringgold assures me that 

1 Probably refers to the sending a confidential agent to Galveston to warn 
Lallemand and his party that they were trespassing on territory of the United 
States. George Graham was to be this agent. 

2 In the city of Washington. 


having no interest in the case, his sole motive is to put me on my 
guard, and in Genl. Van Ness's good disposition towards me I have 
great confidence, as well as fair dealing in what relates to me. I merely 
communicate this for your own and the information of Mr Wirt. 

Mrs Monroe's health is still very delicate but I think, on the whole, 
it has improvd. 

I shall return to Loudoun next month, and visit Washington shortly 
afterwards, preparatory to our return. 

I have written to Mr Jeater about cloth and linnen for my people 
here, not wishing to trouble you with such small matters, make him 
shew you the samples. 

I most earnestly hope that the Capitol is advancing very fast and 
with the greatest ceconomy possible. I hear with much pleasure that 
you all enjoy good health. With very sincere regards yours 

James Monroe 

To John Taylor. 

Oakhill Loudon May 12. 1823 

Dear Sir, — Your very interesting letter of April 29th did not 
reach me uutill 1. o clock on yesterday at this place or it would have 
been sooner answered. I came here on the 9th and shall set out in half 
an hour for Albemarle, with intention to pass by Mr Madisons, and stay 
a part of a day, perhaps a whole one with him. Most heartily do I 
wish that you could be there with me. I shall remain a week or ten days 
in Albemarle, where it would afford, the greatest pleasure if you could 
come and join me. I would go with you to Mr Jefferson's and we would 
return by Mr Madisons. 

On the ideas suggested in your letter, I have not time to enlarge. 
I have only one remark on one point touched in it, that is, that I must 
take no part in the ensuing election, as you will readily agree. Of 
your devotion to principle, and disinterested attachment to free republican 
govt., I have the most thorough conviction, as I have of the soundness 
of your views, as to the dangers to which it is exposed, and the neces- 
sary means of supporting it. The only difference between us is, that I 
having seen much of the intrigues and villany of foreign countries, look 
perhaps too much to dangers from that source, whereas you look, a lit- 
tle too much, I speak comparatively, to those from within. If you do 
not come up, you shall hear from me again. If you do, I shall leave 
you to arrange your own plan, with the two most estimable men with 
whom you ought to confer and act in concert on the great interest 
depending. We have been so long accustomed to act together, and in 
the most difficult situations, that if I were, to act at all, I would will- 
ingly move in concert with you. 



Tell me whom shall I appoint to the bench of the supreme court, in 
the place of Judge Livingston ? Whom to France, in the room of Mr 
Gallatin who intends to resign ? Your sincere friend 

James Monroe 

To John Taylor, 

Washington Feby 9. 1824 

Dear Sir, — I have had great difficulty in making the appointment 
to Mexico, proceeding from the number of very respectable characters 
who are brought into view, many of whom have claims on their coun- 
try, and on me, if the support of the measures of the admn. gives such 
a claim, and likewise from the bearing which any appointment I may 
make, will have on the interests of the candidates for the office which 
I now hold, it being earnestly my desire from principle, as well as per- 
sonal feeling to take no part in that question. I will give you hastily, 
a view of the actual state, and of the difficulties attending any move- 
ment in it. First, of the competitors — Mr [J. F.] Parrot of Maine, 
Judges [Nathan] Sanford and [W. P.] Van Ness of N. Yk, Mr Bald- 
win, and Mr [A. J.] Dallas of Penna. Genl. [William] Winder of 
Maryld, Genl. [M.] Stokes of No. Car ; , Govr. [T. B.] Robertson of 
Louisiana, Govr. [N.] Edwards of Illinois, Govr. [James] Brown and 
Genl. [W. H.] Harrison of Ohio, all these are respectable men. My at- 
tention was drawn in the first instance, to Penna. and to 111: As early 
as the last Session, I was disposed to appoint Govr. Edwards to one of 
the southern missions, but declined it, from the imputation raised against 
him, that he had written the pieces, under the signature of A. B., 1 which 
made a personal attack on one of the candidates. I knew that all 
leading men in our union, had taken part in favor of some one, of 
the Candidates, but I thought, that the imputed attack, would make 
his nomination a more marked measure, than that of the others. The 
state of the case in Penna is this; Mr [H.] Baldwin's talents and in- 
tegrity are admitted, but he is at variance with the ruling party in the 
State, whereas Mr. Dallas, is supported by that party. For the 
former, 6 or 7 of the members have interested themselves, for the latter 
15 or 16, and who not only support him, but protest against the ap- 
pointment of the other. The objection to Mr. Dallas is, that he has never 
servd in Congress or elsewhere, in any distinguished station, and that 
his appointment, tho a young man of merit and talents, would be 
deemed an act of injustice not to Mr. Baldwin alone, but to others out 
of the State, who are more advanced in years, and renderd such service. 

In looking to the object, if not taking any measure, that may be re- 
garded, by active partisans, as bearing on the next election, it is to be 
1 See John Quincy Adams, Memoirs, vi. 296, 371. 


observed that there are extremes on both sides of the question. If I 
pass by, all who are known, to have formed, their opinions on it, I 
must take negative characters only, and thus reduce the admn. to per- 
fect inefficiency, while I remain in it. Among the other characters 
mentioned, there are it is true, men of high merit who are less marked, 
but who are nevertheless known to have formed their preferences. As 
to Govr. Edwards the question is, whether the imputation referrd to, 
12 months since, and which seems to be in some measure forgotten, 
should, at this time, preclude him. If it does, I must then turn my at- 
tention, altogether to the other candidates, and to whom should the 
preference be given ? The divided State of Penna., seemes to render 
it a measure of great delicacy to touch it. 

I wish you to consider on this subject and to give me your opinion 
on it. Edwards has strong claims, and his appointment would be more 
satisfactory to Penna. and to others out of the State, than that of any 
young man, or indeed of some to whom that objection does not apply. 

In my opinion the friends of Mr. Crawford, ought to come forward, 
and to put me at ease, on the subject, and on the other side, that Govr. 
Edwards should do the same. In deed all the candidates should. But 
you will have opportunities of forming an opinion which I do not 
possess, and I wish you to communicate to me the result. 

I am indeed very glad to find that the state of health, has so far re- 
stored you to your family and friends, as well as to your country, to 
enable you to come here. Very sincerely your friend 

James Monroe. 

To John Taylor. 

Washington May 20 1824 

Dear Sir, — I have heard with deep concern, that the convention 
lately concluded with G. Britain is in danger of being rejected, because 
I should consider its rejection as fraught with the most serious mischief. 
Congress made the slave trade piratical, by law, and the H. of Reps, 
recommended it to the Executive, by a resolution, which passed almost 
unanimously, to promote by negotiation and treaty with other powers, 
the adoption of that principle, as a part of the law of nations. On that 
ground this convention lias been formed, and according to our own project, 
with very little modification, and certainly with none, which touches 
any principle. If we recede from our own policy and measures, after 
compromitting ourselves with another power, in what light will Con- 
gress, the Executive, and the whole nation, be viewed, by the civilized 

G. Britain wished to extend the right of search, which is a belliger- 
ent right, to this trade, and we resisted it, on the principle that as it 


had been abused in war, it would be liable to abuse in peace, especially 
in the hands of the superior naval power. She wished also to establish 
a mixed court, to sit, in Africa, for the trial of those engaged or sus- 
pected of being engaged in the slave trade. To this we objected on 
constitutional principles. She charged us with insincerity, in professing 
a desire to suppress the slave trade. Congress then went beyond her, 
by making it piratical, and on that ground this convention has been 
formed. If we recede, will not the charge of insincerity be proved, 
and will not worse consequences follow ? 

That the right of search is necessary to give effect to a law making 
the slave trade piratical, is certain, for how catch a pirate without 
going on board his vessel? But in this instance, it is the crime, which 
authorises the search, and which, if it is adopted, as a part of the law 
of nations, would be common to all. A right of search in time of 
peace, by convention, for an offense, to be tried in Africa, might be 
abused ; and if applied to the slave trade, it might be extended to other 
objects, with inferior powers, and thus, the dominion of the sea, be 
transferred, to the greatest naval power, in peace, as well as in war. 

In England the Wilberforce party, are endeavouring to emancipate 
the slaves in the Colonies, aud the ministry resisting that measure, 
strengthened themselves, by acceding to our convention, proving thereby, 
that they were as great enemies to the slave trade as Mr Wilberforce 
or any of his party, altho' they were not willing to ruin the colonies. 
Which of these parties shall we strengthen, that which wishes to throw 
the colonies into confusion, and ruin the people, or that which wishes 
to prevent it. 

A concert with G. Britain at this time on this subject, might lead to 
it respecting So. Am. If we reject our own convention, into which we 
have drawn her, will it not have a very different effect. Such a con- 
cert, on so important a subject, would have a great effect, on the other 
powers, in preventing their interference with So. Am, lest she might 
unite with us also on that point. Excuse the liberty I take in sug- 
gesting these ideas. Very sincerely I am dear Sir your friend 

James Monroe 

To Charles F. Mercer. 

Oakhill Augt. 15th. 1827. 
Dear Sir, — I have understood that Mr Hawkins had been ap- 
pointed the overseer of the road, leading from the pavment to Little 
river, in the route to Leesburg. You know the almost impassable state 
in which that road is, comprehending about 2 miles of a much fre- 
quented passage, to that town, and through the country. He has not 
been regularly notified of his appointment, to obtain which, if it has 
been made, I now send him there, with this to you, to request that you 


will be so kind as to have, the extent of his duties, with the aid he may 
call for, designated. I shall be satisfied, with such aid, as the tenants, 
who live opposite to me can afford, with whose names he will apprise 
you. Should there be any difficulty in this respect, I shall be willing 
to take charge, or rather to apply my force, to this object, without any 
aid whatever, and will immediately have the road, put in good order, 
and keep it so. In either case, we ought to be exempted from working 
on any other road, which I mention, because at this time, my hands are 
called to such service, while this portion is neglected. I hope to see 
you here, whenever it may be convenient for you to call and stay some 
days with us. Very sincerely your friend. 

James Monroe 
[Addressed] Charles F. Mercer Esquire Leesburg 

Mr. Ford, in offering for publication the two following 
papers on church support in Virginia, said they were drawn 
from the same sources : the first, in the engrossing writing of 
Jefferson, is among his papers, with original signatures and 
subscriptions ; the second, in the writing of Edmund Pendle- 
ton, is from the Washburn Collection of Autographs, " States- 
men and Orators," page 23 : 

Subscription for Charles Clay. 

Whereas by a late act of General assembly freedom of Religious 
opinion and worship is restored to all, and it is left to the members of 
each religious society to employ such teachers as they think fit for their 
own spiritual comfort and instruction, aud to maintain the same by 
their free and voluntary contributions : We the subscribers, professing 
the most Catholic affection for other religious sectaries who happen 
to differ from us in points of conscience, yet desirous of encouraging 
and supporting the Calvinistical Reformed church, and of deriving to 
ourselves through the ministry of its teachers, the benefits of Gospel 
knolege and religious improvement ; and at the same time of supporting 
those, who, having been at considerable expence in qualifying them- 
selves by regular education for explaining the holy scriptures, have 
dedicated their time and labour to the service of the said church ; and 
moreover approving highly the political conduct of the rev d Charles 
Clay, who, early rejecting the tyrant and tyranny of Britain proved 
his religion genuine by its harmony with the liberties of mankind, and, 
conforming his public prayers to the spirit and the injured rights of his 
country, ever addressed the God of battles for victory to our arms, 
while others impiously prayed that our enemies might vanquish and 




overcome us : do hereby oblige ourselves our heirs executors and ad- 
ministrators to pay to the said Charles Clay of Albemarle his exrs. or 
admrs. the several sums affixed to our respective names on the 25th 
day of December next, and also to make the like annual paiment on the 
25th day of December in every year following until we shall withdraw 
the same. 

Or until the legislature shall make other provision for the support of 
the said Clergy, in Consideration whereof we expect that the said 
Charles Clay shall perform divine service and preach a sermon in the 
town of Charlottesville on every 4th Saturday till the end of the next 
session of general Assembly and after that on every 4th. Sunday or 
oftener if a regular rotation with the other churches which shall have 
put themselves under his cure will admit a more frequent attendance. 

And we further mutually agree with each other that we will meet 
at Charlottesville on the 1st day of March in the present year and 
on \blanlc] in every year following so long as we continue our sub- 
scriptions and there make choice by ballot of three Wardens to collect 
our said subscriptions to take care of such books and vestments as shall 
be provided for the use of our church to call meetings of our Congre- 
gation when necessary and to transact such other business relating to 
our said Congregation as we shall hereafter confide to them. February 

Th : Jefferson 
Philip Mazzei 
Randolph Jefferson 
Nicholas Lewis 
Sam 1 Taliaferro 
Hastings Marks 
Peter Marks 
Richard Gaines 
Lewis Cradock 
Edwin Butler 
Benjamin Calvert 
Richard Moore 
John Day 
A. S. Bryan 
Thos. Garth 
James Minor 
William Tandy 
Jno. Joliet 
Thomas Key 
Richd. Anderson 

six pounds. 

sixteen shillings & eight pence 

two pounds ten shillings 

three pounds ten shillings 

Forty shillings 

Twenty shillings 

Twenty Five shillings 

ten shillings 

ten shillings 

ten shillings 




twenty shillings 

Fifteen Shillings 

Twenty Shillings 

twenty shillings. 

£1 10. 

2. 0. 0. 

2. 0. 0. 


Proposed Memorial. 

To the Honble the Speaker and House of Delegates of Virga. 
The Subscribers Members of the protestant Episcopal Church, re- 
siding in the Parish of St. Asaph in the County of Caroline humbly 

That at the time of the late happy revolution the principles of their 
Society were and ever had been from the first settlement of the State, 
the legal established religion, and other Societies only tolerated in the 
exercise of their own modes of worship at their own expence, whilst 
they contributed to Support the Established Church from which they 
derived no benefit ; which, tho' it placed them in a state discovered in 
this enlightened age to be degrading, oppressive and unjust, was as far 
as the most liberal Governments having established Religions, had pro- 
ceeded in their favor; in most of them persecution was substituted for 

That when a new Government was assumed for the State, the mem- 
bers of that Society cheerfully relinquished the establishment in their 
favor, and claimed no preference over their brethren of other societies ; 
a perfect equality amongst them was supposed to be secured by the 16th 
Article of the Bill of rights ; That the Constitution was silent on the 
Subject, proceeded, as we believe, from a prevailing Opinion, that civil 
Government, the subject of that instrument, had no right to intermeddle 
with religion. 

That they have continued their endeavors to cultivate, Peace and 
harmony, and to live in the intercourse of Benevolence, and Charity 
with all others of whatever denomination ; and for this purpose, altho' 
they judged, and still think a general Assessment for Religion, with the 
right of appropriation in each individual, paying, a measure beneficial 
to all : and a law for incorporating their Society, useful to them, and 
not affecting others, who if they had desired it, might no doubt have 
obtained the like incorporation; yet discovering that these measures 
gave Umbrage, they have abandoned both, and contented themselves 
with exercising the common right of all, in forming rules for their own 
Government, discipline and support. They continue to hold in deed the 
Churches, Glebes and other property vested in, and legally appropriated 
to the use of their Society at the time of the revolution, from a Con- 
viction, that their title thereto is founded upon the same legal principles 
which secures to all Citizens their Individual rights, vested under the 
former Government. 

• That it is wth much concern they observe a Conduct in some other 
societies manifestg, in the Judgment of yr. Memorialists, a contrary 
temper and disposition; in their annual applications to the General As- 





ch. 1, 2, 3, 

4, 5, 6, 7, 10 


ch. 6 

sembly to have the Churches and Glebes sold, and the money paid into 
the public Treasury ; which altho' hitherto rejected and the object is in. 
point of Interest a perfect minum to each individual is yet partinaciously 
persevered in, whereby animosities in the State are nurtured, great ex- 
pences incurred in the discussion, exceeding perhaps the value of the 
Subject, and the reparation and improvement of the property probably 

Your Memorialists, understanding that Petitions to the like effect, are 
to be presented to, and vigorously pushed at this Session, Beg leave 
once more to reiterate the ground on which they claim the property; 
Premising that the contributions for the Original purchase 
of this property, were not made out of the Colonial or public 
Fund; but as the laws required, by distinct Parishes, who 
paid for and acquired Glebes and Churches of greater or 
lesser value according to their ability and inclination, for 
their own use, unconnected with other Parishes : And inferring from 
thence that if the property was to be sold, the produce ought not to be 
paid into the Treasury as a state Stock, but applied parochially, so as to 
give to each Parish the proceeds of its own property. 

Whether the Glebes and Churches shall be sold and the money so 
parochially distributed to the present Inhabitants at large, or remain to 
the Episcopal Society, for whose use they were purchased and legally 
appropriated at the period of the revolution? seems to be the only 

The foundation of the former claim is the contribution of the inhabit- 
ants or their ancestors in the acquisition of this property, which since 
they cannot conscienciously continue to use, they have a right to with- 
draw their share: That the laws which vested and appropriated them 
in an Established Society, were unjust and ought now to have no effect; 
And that the Laws passed since the Revolution for continuing the right 
in that Society, are merely void for want of Power in the Legislature 
to Act on the Subject. 

In Answer to which your Memorialists observe that some of the 
Glebes were original donations of individuals long since in their 
Graves, whose representatives, if there be any, do not wish to disturb 
the donation, and other Parishrs. it is supposed have no pretence of 
right to do so : In other Instances, individuals in a Parish have volun- 
tarily added to the General contribution and greatly increased the value 
of their Glebes and Churches, (the case of the Parish in which we 
reside) and we conceive it would be great injustice to deprive such per- 
sons of the benefit of their amelioration of a property they considered 
as appropriated by existing Laws. And where the acquisition was by 
a general parochial contribution, since the laws defined the use of both, 
it was an Appropriation to that use, which the individuals contributing 


might continue to participate in, but declining that can have no other 
claim, since the vested right will not admit of any other : and consider- 
ing, as we believe the fact is, that most of the Glebes and Churches 
below the Mountains were acquired many years past, when there was 
in that district scarce any of those then called Dissenters, except a 
few Quakers, so that the contributions were Generally from Members 
of the then established Church, the shew of Equity in favr. of the 
present societies petitioning, on the ground of Contribution, is greatly 

As to the Spirit of the laws wch vested this property yr Memorial- 
ists do not concieve themselves concerned to vindicate their justice, but 
humbly insist that they were the laws of the land, passed by the then 
Legislative Powers and had continued in full force for upwards of a 
Century previous to the Revolution ; And altho' in that great event the 
community, discovering from the Progress of Society and experience, 
Among other tilings, that an Established Church was inconsistent wth 
their happiness, made such new Arrangemts in that and other re- 
spects as they approved, yett all were to operate futurely, And in no 
instance retrospected and unravelled past legal transactions, or disturbed 
vested rights, because they had charged the Principle on which they 
were founded, A system which the peace and happiness of Society re- 
quires, and will be pursued in all wise reforms. 

And as to the Power of the Legislature to pass the Several Acts on 
the subject ; since the Revolution, yr Memorialists further state, That 
at the time, Government was assumed and the Constitution formed the 
Convention passed an Ordinance for continuing the Majestrates and 
others in Office, in wch is a clause declaring " the common law of Eng- 
land, certain Statutes, the several Acts of Assembly then in force, so 
far as the same might consist wth the several Ordinances, Declarations, 
and resolutions of the General Convention, should be the Rule of de- 
cision, and considered as in full force, until altered by the legislative 

The Legislative Power is unlimited as to its subjects, except so far 
as it is restrained by the Constitution or Bill of rights; Both are silent 
on the Subject of Religion, except the last clause of the latter, wch tho' 
in its literal terms seems only to extend to the free exercise of Religion 
according to conscience, and not to be directed by force or violence, has 
yet been understood and allowed to reach the placing all Societies of 
Christians upon a level in future, none contributing to the Support of 

That this Declaration had not the effect of repealing the laws for the 
Estabt. but was directory to the Legislature to Act upon the Subject, 
was at least the prevailing Opinion at that time, and appears to have 
been so understood by the difft. societies called Dissenters, from whom 



numerous Petitions or Memorials were presented to the Genl. Assem- 
bly in October 1776, praying an exemption from all future contribu- 
tions for the support of the Established Church, or other 
~ -„_„ Society than that of wch they should be members ; none of 
Pa. 9 19 27 tn( >se Petitions, as far as is discovered by the journals, 
32, 46, 85. make mention of the Church property, or claim any share 
therein ; On the contrary your Memorialists are informed 
and believe that the Agents of the several Societies then attending to 
support their Petitions, relinquished all claim thereto ; so that the clause 
in the Act which then passed for granting them the relief they prayed 
for "saving and reserving to that Church all its property," was con- 
sidered as inserted by common consent, aud with a view to avoid 
all future contest, declaring a subsisting right and not creating a new 
one. And yr. Memorialists have viewed that clause in none other 
light, than as a Legislative Construction giving additional weight to 
their confidence in the vesting and appropriating Laws for securing 
their property. 

That the Terms used in the Act of " the Established Church," your 
Memorialists concieve were meant as discriptive of the Episcopal Soci- 
ety, till then established, and not inserted wth a view to give that Soci- 
ety any Superiority over others, as is evident not only from the general 
exemption of all others from supporting it, from that Society being left, 
like others, to voluntary contributions for such support, until the ques- 
tion of a General Assessment, by which all were to be placed on a 
footing, should be decided ; and that having been since negatived, all 
Societies stand on the same ground in that respect. The words "to be 
established " seem to contemplate a Possibility that some one Society 
might at a future day be established, an Idea far from being countenanced, 
since in that event, others were to be exempted from contributing to its 
support, the apparent purpose of using the term. 

Your Memorialists further Represent that besides the injustice of 
disturbing rights legally vested in times past, they concieve that the 
principle contended for would introduce confusion and embarrassment 
in future, tending to discourage all Societies from making stable pro- 
vision for their Ministers and places of Public Worship, if every Mem- 
ber on quitting them had a claim to carry away his share of the Social 
Stock, difficult if not Impossible to be ascertained. 

For all which reasons and others which will occur to the Legislature, 
Your Memorialists pray that the Applications for sale of the Glebes and 
Churches may be ? as heretofore they have been, rejected. 

Caroline Sepr. 25, 1797. 

Revd. Sir, ■ — Understanding that the Baptist and Methodist Socie- 
ties, encouraged by something wch passed last Session, mean to push 


their application, for sale of the Glebes and Churches, to the Assembly 
at the next. It may be necessary to meet them by Counter memorials, 
wch induced me to throw upon paper my thoughts on the subject as 
annexed ; wch tho in the form of such Memorial, was rather intended 
as an historical state of the laws and facts on the Subject, from whence 
to form one, and therefore I have not attempted to shorten or correct 
it, but left it, imperfect as it is for your consideration. 

My reason for taking the liberty to inclose it to you, besides a wish 
to have it correct, is it occurred to me that you might, after perfecting 
one, think proper to have a copy struck off and forwarded to each parish, 
to preserve uniformity of sentiments, which might otherwise Clash and 
do mischief; but this as you please, if not approved, I will thank you 
to forward me a corrected copy : Or if you judge it best to leave each 
Parish to its own mode, and reserve your self for a Conventional one, 
be please to return mine, and excuse the trouble I shall have given you, 
when I will endeavour to correct and have it subscribed. 

As I have never been present at Public discussions of the Subject, 
nor heard it much Canvassed in private, from a recluse life, my Senti- 
ments are drawn chiefly from contemplation, and may not meet their 
grounds, your information may supply and correct this. The distinc- 
tion between its being a Public or parochial claim, seems to me well 
founded, and to be very important in the decision. With sentiments of 
much respect and esteem, I am Sir, Your mo. Obt. Servt. 

Edmd. Pendleton 1 

Remarks were made during the meeting by the President, 
James F. Hunnewell, William R. Thayer, Robert S. 
Rantoul, Henry W. Haynes, T. W. Higginson, Gren- 
vrLLE H. Norcross, Charles P. Bowditch, William 
Endicott, and Edward Stanwood. 

A new serial of the Proceedings for March and April was 
on the table. 

1 This paper bears an endorsement, in the writing of John Taylor, of Caro- 
line, " Had Glebes been settled by old laws on the pagan priests, in the Roman 
Empire, and on the pagan sect, were the people and the governmt bound on 
becoming Christians to leave the Glebes in possession of these pagan priests ? " 



The stated meeting was held on Thursday, the 10th instant, 
at twelve o'clock, M. ; the President in the chair. 

The record of the May meeting was read and approved; 
and in the absence of the Librarian the Corresponding Sec- 
retary read the usual list of donors to the Library. 

The Cabinet-Keeper reported the gift to the Society of a 
life-mask of the late Francis Parkman from J. Templeman 
Coolidge, Jr. 

The President announced informally the death of the 
Rev. Dr. Hale, the second member of the Society in seniority. 

William Coolidge Lane, of Cambridge, was elected a Resi- 
dent Member of the Society ; and Clarence B. Moore, of Phila- 
delphia, a Corresponding Member. 

Governor Long read the following paper: 

Reminiscences of my Seventy Years' Education. 

I have written this paper, not so much to state that my per- 
sonal educational experience is of any interest, but because it 
is typical of the time of it. 

I was born and passed my childhood in Buckfield, a little 
village in the hills of Oxford County, Maine. I was the 
youngest of four children. My father, who on account of 
delicate health had early retired from active business as a vil- 
lage " storekeeper," was a man in what would now be regarded 
as very moderate circumstances. He was well read, and facile 
with his pen, keeping a voluminous journal, which I now 
have, running from 1820 to 1873. It is a most interesting 
picture of rural life in Maine. Having abundant leisure, he 
devoted himself very much to the education and training of 
his children. Among my earliest recollections are those of 
being set to write on the pages of his journal, and to copy, in 
a legible hand, letters which he dictated for me to write to 
absent cousins and friends. He had a small but a good library 
with which I soon made myself familiar. It was the largest 
in the town, yet occupied only two shelves, three less than 


President Eliot prescribes as ample for all worth-while reading. 
Nothing could be more painstaking and assiduous than his 
efforts, which I recall with loving gratitude, to inspire in me 
the pursuit of knowledge and a love of learning and 

I was still wearing the jackets my mother made me, when 
he, after getting the advice of good Rev. Dr. Ichabod Nichols, 
of Portland, bought me a score of interesting and instructive 
books — the young folks' books of those days — containing 
narrative, history, travel, and story, all of which were a very 
storehouse of delight to me, and which I read a dozen times 
over. Indeed, I read and was encouraged to read whatever 
volumes I could find at home or among the neighbors. By 
the sitting-room fireside, at the table, or on my cricket, by day- 
light and by candlelight, I was absorbed in my book, never 
disturbed by the neighborhood conversation. My reading was 
discursive. In the beginning it did not include much trash, 
but took in a good deal of American and English history, for 
the picturesque and stirring incidents and heroic names of 
which I had great fondness, and in fiction of course the vol- 
umes of Scott and Cooper. My ideals were the heroes of their 
novels and of the American Revolution and frontier. 

Without knowing much about politics, yet through the ear- 
nest local interest which such a country village community 
then took in national affairs, and through the influence that 
came from my father's conversation with neighbors and friends, 
I remember also a very distinct and enthusiastic patriotic sen- 
timent, which I can now see was a part of my education and 
which impressed the country boy of that time. The Fourth of 
July was to me a day of genuine inspiration. 

Our village was' some fifty miles northeast from Portland, 
constituting the centre of a farming community, and enlivened 
by the gatherings which a half-dozen stores and shops brought 
together. It was a community of absolute and ideal equality ; 
such a thing as any recognized distinction in rank or wealth 
or standing among the people whom I knew, or among my 
boyish companions, never entered anybody's mind, and I have 
often thought that this was not the least valuable element in 
the training of my boyhood. My father was one of the village 
plutocrats, " passing rich " on an income of 8400 or 8500 a 
year, but I had no consciousness of this bloated wealth. 


The village school was kept three months in winter by a 
man, and as many more in summer by a woman. This I at- 
tended, and from it received a very marked impulse. There 
was no grading of schools. Each pupil had free course and 
was glorified if his wings bore him aloft; and when I was 
eleven, I had ciphered through the arithmetic, floundering a 
little, undoubtedly, in the mysteries of cube root. I had also 
raced through the geography and English grammar text-books 
of that time, and could " parse," and reel off rules of syntax. 
Very likely there was a lack of the best comprehension, and 
yet that lack, it seems to me now, was a good deal balanced 
by the spirit of enthusiasm and achievement with which I was 
animated. I remember, too, the stimulus I got from John 
Pierpont's set of Readers — the Young Reader, the Introduc- 
tion, the National Reader, and the First Class Book. His 
grandson, the present financial magnate, has made no better 
contribution to good things. They were filled with admirable 
selections of poetry and prose from the best American and 
English authors. They were handed down from the older to 
the younger children and thus impressed their contents on a 
whole generation of readers. The crafty school-book men had 
not then worked the scheme of changing text-books every six 
months. I can repeat now some of the verses I then learned. 
They constituted excellent literature and were sources of cult- 
ure in style and in matter. I reckon too, as something of 
great value, which among some young pupils nowadays seems 
to be a lost art, the drill we had then in the spelling-book, the 
zest of " getting to the head," and the fixity with which the 
ability to spell was driven into us. The spelling-match was 
our great literary circus ; and it really embodied, if our new 
Harvard president, Mr. Lowell, only knew it, the very nub of 
his recent hope-inspiring paper on " Competition in College." 
There was no nonsense about simplified spelling made easy for 
dunces. No Harvard faddist undertook, as I once heard one 
undertake, to show how $100,000 could be saved in a century 
or two by such omissions as that of " ugh " in " through " and 
thus reducing the cost of typesetting. He might as well 
claim a similar saving by making all our coats with one row 
instead of two rows of buttons. For myself I value the reten- 
tion of even my scant smattering of Greek, which faintly 
rekindles at the sight of the " ph's " in " photograph " and 


" phonograph " much more than any penny I might save in a 
decade by substituting " f s " for them. 

I do not now recall that any one of the coming and going 
village teachers was especially inspiring, and yet I look back 
upon that village school with a feeling of indebtedness and 
gratitude. I have no doubt that I was largely encouraged 
and urged on by the interest and influence of my parents, as 
well as aided also by a natural taste for study and the ambition 
for its pursuit. Certainly nobody enjoyed out-of-door amuse- 
ments and sports more than I. Looking back, I see myself, 
the then ordinary type of a New England boy in the New 
England common school, under the influence of a pure and 
unmixed New England community, enjoying its out-of-door 
life and incidents, and getting out of the wooden benches and 
homely surroundings of the village school an education which 
was not merely that of the text-book, but also that of the 
earnest sentiment of the time and place. 

After that I went seven miles away to the academy at 
Hebron, Maine, I recall now the awe with which its little 
brick shell and belfry inspired me, and yet it was a very mod- 
est affair. My teachers there were graduates of Waterville 
College. Here, too, the classification was loose, and I galloped 
through my Greek and Latin at rather a break-neck pace. I 
went over a deal of ground, and turned the dead languages 
into not the best of English, acquiring next to nothing in the 
niceties of construction, syntax, and composition. Meantime I 
declaimed or " spoke " pieces, — sometimes verses written by 
my father, sometimes the impassioned invective of some classic 
orator, but in either case with the tremulous voice and em- 
phasis-less drone of a scared infant, and with ail the shakiness 
of the knees and mental agitation which made that exercise 
such a crucial trial to a homesick boy. Which accounts for my 
shrinking so habitually from public speaking in my later years. 

The result of my few terms at the academy was that I 
entered Harvard College in 1853, at fourteen years of age. I 
squeezed in only by the skin of my teeth, with seven condi- 
tions, and without that thoroughness in the details of prepara- 
tion which I should have had. 

I look back upon my college education with less satisfaction 
than any other part of my life. I was not thoroughly fitted. 
I was too young. The mistake was made, with a well-meant but 


mistaken view of saving me from the " dangers of college life," 
of boarding me for the first two or three years a mile away from 
the college, — as if there were any dangers or, if there were, as 
if the best part of a college education was not to get the rub 
of them. Hence it happened that I then formed no personal 
association with my classmates, and always felt remote and as 
if I presented the picture of a forlorn little fellow who ought 
to have been at home. To this day I have never got over an 
awe of them that I have never had of anybody else. 

At that time, too, the college had not approached the larger 
university spirit which since that time has characterized it — 
at least more than then. In too many colleges the presidency 
was a shelf for the repose of some clergyman who had done 
his work and was thus provided for. I recollect no instruc- 
tion which was not of the most perfunctory and indifferent 
sort, unless possibly it was that of Professor Cooke in chem- 
istry and Professor Child in English. The only impression 
made on me by one professor was that of a pair of staring 
spectacles and an immovable upper lip, and by another of a 
throaty growl in his Sophoclean larynx. There was an en- 
tire lack, to me, of all moral or personal influences. I look 
back with a certain pathetic commiseration on myself, un- 
warmed for the whole four years by a single act or word ex- 
pressive of interest on the part of those to whom my education 
was intrusted. And this is literally true. The element of 
personal influence was entirely lacking. No instructor or offi- 
cer ever gave me a pat on the shoulder physically, morally, or 
intellectually. No word of advice or stimulus or encourage- 
ment was ever uttered. There was no help in the formation 
of character. I was quick at tasks, and, without much labor, 
made ready enough recitations. I secured good marks and 
graduated near the top. But it meant very little solid ac- 
quirement either of knowledge or of character. It was four 
years of monotonous routine, going into the class-room, spend- 
ing an hour and coming out. I continued my habit of desul- 
tory reading, having no hint or direction from anybody in that 
regard. In the junior and senior years I derived some benefit 
in the way of English composition, but as I now look back I 
find my education in that respect, which up to that time had 
been little more than what my father and my reading had 
taught me, very slight. During the four years I had perhaps 


three or four exercises in declamation, but the instruction was 
nerveless and meagre and not much better than would have 
been the model of a pump handle. If I have ever had any 
facility in public speaking, it is entirely the result of my own 
natural qualifications and my practice as a public man, and I 
owe it to no college training, for I never had any. 

There is, however, this to be said, that the elective and lec- 
ture system had not then been run into the ground and made 
a soft snap for shirks and a risk of superficiality even for honest 
students. These systems have come, and properly come, to 
stay, but happily we have just now good word for it that there 
is likelihood that the manifest perils attending them may be 
guarded against and their faults corrected. 

Reviewing my education, I think T went to college in the 
plastic and sympathetic condition of very early youth, quick 
at tasks, ambitious for excellence, and in the best condition 
for good educational moulding. I regard it as my misfortune 
that for the next four years I suffered the lack of the inspira- 
tion either of personal companionship among my classmates, 
or of a lift from those who taught us. There came into my 
educational career, therefore, at that time two formidable ele- 
ments of weakness : one, a lack of thoroughness of learning, 
and the other, a lack of inspiring formative influences on char- 
acter. As I have said, I had a liking for books and had the 
knack of doing set tasks, and, like all fledglings, wrote verses 
and stories and articles for the newspapers. I was facile 
enough, both in mathematics and the languages, but I recall 
no branch of study of which I was master. When later 1 
began to study law, I found myself pursuing it in the same 
way and with the same incompleteness of mastery. 

As to the other matter, the formation of character, my ma- 
turer experience has shown me that nothing is so important to 
a young man as the influence, inspiration, elevation of a riper 
or superior mind, sensibly or insensibly holding him to higher 
standards, not in the goody-goody sense, but in the apprecia- 
tion of his own powers, capacities, and obligations. I meet 
young men to-day from Harvard, touched and toned by the 
personal influence of men whose names readily occur to you, 
and I feel that it would have been of priceless value to me 
if only in those days some such man could have taken me by 
the hand, or even by the ear, if only half a dozen times in the 



whole four years. I do not mean to say that I was not in 
every way a good boy ; on the contrary, a more innocent, 
harmless, dreaming little fellow never wended his way to and 
fro ; but the one thing needed was not given me, and that was 
that element of education which takes just such a nature and 
infuses it, kneads it, stimulates it, vitalizes it, gives it value 
and life and the mastery of its own capacities and powers. My 
fancy was quick ; my imagination was alert ; my intellectual 
tendencies only needed guiding. I could have quickly appre- 
ciated direction towards the best things in literature and poe- 
try, towards the best standards of moral effectiveness, conduct, 
and aim, and towards the refining influences of good society. 
But, aside from my father's constant and loving correspond- 
ence from home, no direction was given me, not, perhaps, 
because of anybody's fault, except the fault of the whole per- 
functory system, but because of my misfortune in not falling 
in the way of somebody's interest or notice. Therefore, at 
college and away from home, I drifted like a balloon in the 
air, held by the single string of my class-room recitations, but 
otherwise blown about by the winds that blew where they 
listed, and that were for the most part the harmless but idle 
zephyrs of a boy's fancies. 

If I dwell on these two elements of thoroughness in intel- 
lectual culture and moral impress on character, it is not be- 
cause my experience is of especial interest to anybody, but 
because, if I were to say anything of the cause of education in 
behalf of other young men, it would be to urge these two 
matters in their behalf. 

I have felt that my education was lacking too — and I be- 
lieve there is this lack in education nowadays — in instruc- 
tion in the art of expression. Pupils accumulate masses of 
information ; their range of study is very large ; their range 
of reading is broad ; acquirement is the rule ; but clear, inter- 
esting, accurate, forcible expression is the exception. They 
are not taught to talk, which is the acme of culture. For 
years I was piling in, but next to never putting out. If, at 
academy or in college, I had been made to put back and re- 
produce in my own best form of individual expression whatever 
chunk of learning I was assiduously storing in the vacant 
attic of my mind, it not only would have been magnificent 
training, especially in the line of life I have led, but it would 


have of itself constituted that very element of thoroughness to 
which I have referred. 

As to the value of the study of Latin and Greek, I am not 
sufficiently a proficient in either to bear testimony of much value. 
In fitting for college I hardly learned more than to translate, 
and knew next to nothing of composition in those languages. 
In college the instruction seems to me now to have been per- 
functory and unsuggestive, but that may be owing to the fact 
that I had not received the proper fit and was out of gear, 
because entering college a year or two ahead of what my 
equipment warranted. I really began to accomplish most, too, 
in these lines when I began to teach them. In Greek my 
attainments on graduating were at best of very small account 
and hardly worthy of a freshman. And yet, meagre as my 
classical education was, I am certain that it has been of great 
value, and that classical education should not be dispensed 
with or much restricted as an element in the all-round and 
substantial education, not merely of the scholar, but of the 
cultivated citizen. It lays the foundations of literary culture ; 
and this is of vital consequence. It puts the student in touch 
and harmony with springs and sources of literature. Without 
it he somehow always feels the lack of it. It enlarges his 
background; it is a rock under his feet; it saves from a con- 
sciousness of something behind unexplored and unexaggerated 
for better or worse. It is also one of the most refreshing and 
wholesome well-springs of delight and of the eternal life of 
the human mind. Its literature is monumental and imperish- 
able ; and as all literature is inseparable from the personal 
elements of its creators, whatever brings us into closer 
speech with them brings us closer to the spirit of their 
works. And, especially, a classical education is inestima- 
bly valuable as a help towards expression, towards writing 
and speaking, which are the very desiderata of education. 
Our own language is largely the Latin and Greek languages. 
It is a misnomer to call them dead. They live in the words 
we read and use every day we live. Who so knows them 
and their construction has, in the reading and writing of Eng- 
lish, a mastery and command which he can acquire in no other 
way. To him every word inherited from them carries a 
whole illumination of relations, and, but for his training, 
would be but the burnt stick of an exploded rocket. It is the 


difference between listening to music with the ears of one who 
simply enjoys a melodious current in the air, and with ears to 
which, in addition to all that, each note is the recognized ele- 
ment of a musical meaning. The vocabulary is enlarged. 
The choice of words is surer and easier. In short, the mastery 
of language is greater. There have been splendid examples 
of such mastery without a classical education, but with it 
would they not have been still more masterful ? 

After leaving college I taught two years in an academy at 
Westford, Massachusetts. This was an admirable education 
for me, for I was now compelled to convey instead of receiving. 
T read and wrote, and had delightful and valuable associations 
in social life. I then spent three years in studying law. One 
year I went to the Harvard Law School, where the same habit 
of incomplete study to which I have referred prevented my 
acquiring much. For the second year I ground unprofitably 
at the usual text-books in the office of Sidney Bartlett, at that 
time the head of the Boston bar. There I simply read law, 
but saw no practical application of it, owing to the fact that it 
was an office occupied with matters altogether beyond any- 
thing but the rarest participation of a student. Indeed I 
recall only one occasion when that great lawyer asked me a 
question, which of course I answered wrong. 

After that I spent a year or two nominally practising in a 
desultory way at my old home in Maine, where my shingle 
still hangs out and invites a fee. I have never forgotten my 
first one. Two of what Daniel Webster loved to call the 
" neighbors " met in my office to settle a dispute about the 
" boot " on a " boss-trade," involving less than ten dollars. 
They sat one on each side of my box stove, which from their 
tilted chairs they propped with their cowhide boots and artis- 
tically frescoed with tobacco juice. It was an old and never- 
settled feud. They prosecuted it, not with firearms as in more 
chivalrous sections of our country, but, in our rural fashion, 
with rapid volleys at close range of personal vituperation and 
vernacular profanity, which, however, never left the slightest 
scar or apparently gave the least offence. In that winter time 
they had nothing to do but loaf; indeed my memory of that 
village time is that hardly anybody had anything to do but loaf 
at the " stores," talk politics and philosophize like Diogenes at 
his peanut stand. I well remember the snow falling in great 


soft flakes and the sense which both men seemed to enjoy of 
an easy warmth within doors. After two hours of wrangle 
they rose at noon, — the dinner hour, — and one of them with 
patronizing magnanimity said to me, who had been only a lis- 
tener, "Johnny, you ought to have something for your trouble," 
and gave me a silver quarter, — my first fee. I had the comfort, 
however, of thinking that Simon Greenleaf or Pitt Fessen- 
den probably had at their professional beginnings similar 

Soon after this I came to Boston and had the usual course 
of a young lawyer working his way. I had begun to make 
some slight advance in the profession when I was switched off 
upon the track of political life, on the ragged edge of which I 
have been hanging ever since. Up to the" beginning of my 
political career, as I now review the past, it seems to me that 
my great educational lack consisted in the fact that, perhaps 
for the reasons I have given, nothing had taken a very decided 
hold on my interest or ambition. The old habit of doing easily 
the thing at hand had sufficed. With practical public re- 
sponsibility my better education began. I look back upon my 
public life with satisfaction and, I am glad to say, without 
regret. As I recall it, I am convinced that while nothing is 
more usual than to rail at men in public place, there is no 
class of men who fulfil their responsibilities better, which, per- 
haps, is not saying much, probably for the simple reason that 
there is no class of men who are kept under such a constant 
and severe headlight of criticism. 

It was an invaluable experience to me, and gave me more 
breadth, more self-reliance, more self-respect, better standards, 
a deeper sense of personal and public responsibility. 

Returning to the law for an interval before I became Secre- 
tary of the Navy, I found myself better equipped for its prac- 
tice. Indeed, the question how I was educated seems to me 
incongruous with the consciousness I feel that my education 
is a thing not at all of the past, but of the present. It were 
better to ask, " What is my education now ? " For time may 
come and time may go, but education goes on forever. Why 
cry for the immortality of youth, when we already and always 
have it? It seems to me, saying all this, as if I was not more 
a scholar sixty years ago in the village school than I am a 
scholar now, and as if I was not half so much in the way of 




education when a college student as I am to-day at an age, it 
seems, as young as then, and at work in the busy and frictional 
arena of active life. 

The reading of Governor Long's paper was followed by 
a discussion, in which the President, Winslow Warren, 
Henry W. Haynes, Samuel S. Shaw, and William R. 
Thayer took part. 

The Rt. Hon. James Bryce, an Honorary Member, also 
participated in the discussion, and spoke of education at 
Oxford and Glasgow Universities and at the University of 

Mr. Horace Davis, a Corresponding Member of the Society, 
presented a copy of u The Boston Weekly News-Letter," of 
August 1, 1751. This copy is believed to be unique, no other 
being found in the very thorough searches of Miss Ayer and 
our colleague Mr. Matthews. 1 Mr. Davis writes : " You will 
feel some curiosity to know how it came to be in my possession 
in this far-away place [San Francisco]. It contained a notice 
of the death of Dr. [Benjamin] Gott of Marlboro, the grand- 
father of my grandmother Davis, and was undoubtedly pre- 
served in our family for that reason. I received it among the 
papers of my father, John Davis, formerly governor of 
Massachusetts." 2 

Mr. Ford said : 

Through the courtesy of our colleague, Mr. Greenough, I 
present for publication four historical papers drawn from his 
collection. They were written in 1659 by five Quakers, and 
relate to the proceedings of the government of Massachusetts 
against certain members of that sect in that year. One is 
assuredly of local origin, the message signed by William Rob- 
inson and Marmaduke Stevenson, and probably prepared while 
they were imprisoned in Boston, just prior to their execution. 3 
The others were either written and sent from England or were 
copies of such documents made in the Colony. Francis How- 

1 Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, ix. 62. 
a Horace Davis to Charles Francis Adams, May 21, 1909. 
3 See ante, 203. 

1909.] QUAKER PROTESTS, 1659-1675. 359 

gill and Edward Burrough were prominent among the English 
Quakers, and both printed tracts against the treatment given 
to their co-religionists by the Massachusetts Bay. 1 It is that 
which gives these manuscript messages a peculiar interest. 
The message from William Dewsbury, who also was well 
known in England, was probably handed into the Court of 
Assistants with the other papers, and the indorsement by Raw- 
son on the Howgill letter was applied to all. 2 A fifth paper, 
of a later date, is added from the Winthrop Papers. 

From: William Robinson and Marmaduke Stevenson. 

To all you maiestrates : and Priests : in y e towne of boston and else 
where in y e nation of new England: who haue had a hand and is 
gillty : of persecuteing y e Inosent. and seruants of y e liueing god who in 
obedience to his Command : did come among you : to declare his mind 
and will Conserning you for you be a stifnecked people goten up high 
in your owne wisdome, as y e scribes and pharisees were, who put 
Christ to death : under y e name of a blasfeamer and a desceiuor of y e 
people, because he declared his fathers will and counsell to them, but 
they would not heare him nor herken : to his worde, but reiected his 
pure counsell, and set at nought his reproufe, because he came in a low 
manner, and in y e way w dl they despised, who had a Seall of god, but 
not according to knowledge though they professed him in words, yet in 
y e life and in y e power, they were straingers to him, for their hearts 
were adullterated from him, as yours is at this day, to y e of god in all 
your consciences, I speake, which is my witnes w ch will say you naked 
and bare, w th whom wee haue to doe, for he is a god y* will not winke 
at wickednes, nor let y e transgressor goe unpunished, to whom you must 
all giue an accounte, and resceiue according to your deeds therfore 

1 Howgill published in 1659 two tracts on this subject: "The Popish Inquisi- 
tion newly erected in New-England," etc., and " The Heart of New-England 
Hardned through Wickedness," etc. The title of Burrough's tract, printed in 
1660, was " A Declaration of the Sad and Great Persecutions and Martyrdom of 
the People of God, called Quakers, in New-England." The Howgill writings are 
in the Public Library, Boston, and the pamphlet by Burrough is in the Library 
of Congress, Washington. The John Carter Brown Library possesses two of 
the issues. 

2 It is difficult to decide whether these papers are autographic or not. In the 
four the writing is quite distinctive, and only the address on the Burrough doc- 
ument connects it with that signed by Howgill. In the Publications of the Colo- 
nial Society of Massachusetts, viii. 72, is reproduced a letter to Massachusetts by 
Christopher Holder, the writing of which is almost exactly similar to that of the 
Howgill letter. The differences are so accidental as to be almost negligible, yet 
I am not prepared to say that the two papers were from the same pen. 


consider of it and lay it to heart, for y e lord hath a controversy with 
you, because you haue don y l which is evill in his sight, in whiping 
and Imprisoning his seruants : and Chilldren, whom y e haue despised 
and set at nought, yee who make mension of his name, but not in truth 
and righteousnes, oh yee hipocrites and dissemblers, who profes god 
in words : but y e life and power of truth you deny, and will not owne 
his apeareance, but trampled upon his pure witnes in your consciences, 
w ch will testifie to your faces, y t you doe not y l which pleaseth y e 
lord, but you haue greiued his good spirit, and hath vexeed his right- 
eous soule, and prouoaked him to anger against you, y f he is euen 
with bearing your sines ; and Iniquityes, for they are great, and is 
likely to exceede your forefathers w ch is gon before you, w ch Christ Cried 
wooe ag*, for in their steeps you are walkeing and beares forth their 
Image, to all those y* seese you who are in y e light, they may read you 
with y e mesure of god, w ch makes all things manifest, and with it you 
are seene, and made manifest, whose children you are, and whose king- 
dome you uphold, oh consider of it, ye chilldren : of anty Christ, 
who are feighting ag* x l and is seekeing as much as in you lies, to put 
him to death, in his apeareance, oh yee ungodly and unwise, doe you 
thinke to prosper who feight ag* god I tell you nay. for y e lord god 
is arisen in his mighty power, for y e redeeamsion of his seed : which 
you seeke to keep in bondage but this all know from y e least to y e 
greatest of you, who haue giuen consent : and is ioyned together as one, 
in makeing a law, Contrary to y* of god in your consciences, to banish 
upon paine of death, all those whom y e lord hath sent : and doth send 
among you to declare his will to you, and w t he will bring upon you if 
you goe on in your Iniquityes : and exeecute your law w ch you haue made : 
in your owne wills, for to put y e Inosent to death, for thus saith y e 
lord, to whom you must all bend and bow, it shall surely come to pass ; 
if you exeecute your law upon my seruants, in puting them to death, I 
y e lord will exeecute my Judgments speedely upon you, and will ad to 
your torment seuen fould, for a fire I will kindle in y e midst of you, 
euen in you[r] bosumes, w ch shall consume you and eat you up as doth a 
canker, and in my wrath and in my fuery will 1 destroy you, with a sore 
destruction, saith y e lord god allmighty, if you doe not speedely repent, 
for none among you shall escape : my righteous Judgments, who are 
found feighting against me, in this day of my power : when I am arisen 
in my might to ouerturne my Enimyes, y* rise up in oposicion against 
me and will not haue me to reigne ouer you ; as lord and king, but sets 
me at nought : and reiects my pure witnes in you because it testifies 
against you : y* your deeds are evill. therefore seace from your op- 
presion, and repent at your blood sheed, it Cryes to y e god of heauen 
for a vengance against you for you be a deseatfull people, and your 
Iniquityes doth abound : and y e sound of it is goeing ouer y e nations : 

1909.] QUAKER PROTESTS, 1659-1675. 361 

that are aboote you : oh consider aud lay it to heart : y e preists 
and maiestrats in y e towne of boston, and else where in y e nation, 
who is exalted in your owue wisdome, and seekes honor one of 

and is called to your places : by one another, and soe resceiues your 
commishons from man, and not from y e lord, how do you thinke y e 
lord can owne you : when you are not chosen by him : but by one an- 
other, and soe holds upon one another in your abominations, and ioynes 
hand in hand : to persecute y e Inosent : oh blush for shame all yee : who 
had sume tendernes in you time past : w ch made sume of you leiue your 
owne natiue country for consciences sake, but you fleed y e crosse, 
when you should haue stood in it : and soe lost y e sense of y e law of 
god : that his feare departed from you : then did your hearts grow 
hard : when you[r] minds weare adullterated : from him, and soe hath 
remained in the darke yet haue you professed him in words, as y e 
scribes and pharisees did : and haue drawne neare him with your lips 
and w th your mouthes : as they did : y* y e true profit Isaiah speake to : 
but your harts is remoued far from him as theirs was, for thus saith 
y e lord of hosts : y e god of his people Israeli : when you make long 
prayers in your owne wills : I will not heare you : for you seeke to sheed 
y e blood of my seruants : w ch I haue sent unto you : and to trap them 
in your snares : therefore will I not haue regard unto your fasts w ch you 
make, nor your meetings together: for it is abomination unto me, saith 
y e lord, my sense loathes it and abhors it, for it is an ill sauor in my 
nostrells : and I will spread it as donnge upon your faces, if you will 
not let y e opressed goe free ; and let me reigne in my own i will con- 
sume you in my anger, and you shall become an abhoring to all y l know 
you, for my eternall decree: is gon ouer you all: and y l w ch I haue 
spoaken shall be accomplished, if you doe not speedely repent : in y e 
wine presse of my wrath shall you be troden if you hate to be reformed : 
and refuse to returne : and herken to my call : who would not haue you 
to perish : and dye in your sines : and whether you will heare or forbeare, 
this is my word saith y e lord : to you heare declared, w c h shall be as 
arrowes in your sides : to wound you to y e heart : if you goe on in your 
stifneckednes, and will fully resist me in my way : w c h I haue made 
knowne to my people to walke in, who are of an upright heart: and 
stands in my pure counsell : and abides in my feare, all such you hate : 
and hailles out of your assemblese, they who come among you : to de- 
clare ag* your abominations : w c h you haue long liued in : for y e wise in 
heart seese you, though you be goten high in your owne wisdomes and 
ary Imaginations : out of y e Crosse : and from y e life and out of y e 
Couenant which is to y e seed whom y e lord hath blessed, for all y t 
ioynes with y e seed, they ioyne w th x c , and all y l ioynes w th him : are 
taught of him, and such comes into his Image : to be meeke and lowly 



as he was : to beare all tilings w th patience : that can be inflicted upon 
them: and all who takes up his crosse : must folow him through sufer- 
ings, and be reuiled with y e world wherever they goe : and be called 
foules and desceiuers, wanderers and vacabonds by y e adulterous gener- 
ation : whose harts are remoued fare from y e lord, oh consider this yee 
priests and rulers of new england : and let y e faithfull and true witnes 
of god in you all : arise and answere : and if it will let you see : y* you 
are y e wanderers and deseauers : whose hearts are adulterated from y e 
lord : for time was : y* sume of you was tender, and tasted sumthing 
of y e loue of god. but now you haue lost it againe : and y e sense of your 
condishon w ch you were then in : is now vanished away : and soe you 
are become straingers to what you once did know, in leting your minds 
goe out after other louers, you haue lost your first loue : and so is 
adulterated from y e lord, and seperated from y e god of your life, and 
hath not a habitation in him and soe is seene to be in caines nature, 
labouring to put y e Inosent to death, as y e scribes and farisees did : who 
were enimies to y e truth : as you are at this day : for you are perse- 
cuting y e same spirit y' they persecuted : soe remember whose Chilldren 
they were : who called christ a desceiuer : and y e apoastle a mad man, 
you are there breathren for their Image you beare, and into their na- 
ture you are growne : and is laboring to bring forth y e same fruit, which 
they brought forth in persecuting y e Inosent as they did, but remember 
wat was there porsion for what they had don : and soe it will be yours, 
if you continue in your Iniquity : and fullfill your law w ch you haue 
made in puting y e Inosent to death : you shall surely perish and dye in 
your sines : and this from y e lord god doe i declare unto you, j l sorow 
and torment shall Come speedely upon you, as upon a woman in trauill : 
and you shall in noe wise escape it nor fly from it, soe remember what 
y e lord hath spoken : aforehand to you before y e thing to be exeecuted 
y t soe if you perish : it is through your owne willfullnes, soe slite not 
y e Counsell of y e lord : nor make a mocke of his reproufe, in herdening 
your hearts, and stoping your eares from heareing of his word, least he 
come sudenly upon you at unawares, and sweep you away with y e besum 
of his wrath into y e pitt of perdishon : and verily it will be soe with you ; 
if you herden your hearts still against y e lord : and willfully resist him 
in his way, w ch he is makeing knowne : to his sones and daughters for 
to walke in : to beare forth their testimony of him, in this day of his 
mighty power, wherein he will breake downe all his enimies y* are 
goten into high swelling words : and into great and large professions, 
out of y e possession of what they doe profes : and such are y e hipo- 
crites and dissemblers : and enimies to god : who persecutes y e life and 
substance of that in others, w ch they themselleues are gon from, and 
truely this your state : theirfore put it not from you, for many is 
come in this day of y e lords loue : to tast much of y e good things of 

1909.] QUAKER PROTESTS, 1659-1675. 363 

god, and doth enioy y e substance : and life of god w ch yee who are high 
in profession haue not : theirfore doe yee storme and rage against them : 
because they are in that w ch you are gon from : for you haue slaine y e 
witues in your sellues, and you seeke to slay it in others, for you labour 
to shut up y e kingdome of heauen agaiust men : and will not enter in 
your sellues: nor sufer others, and all you who are found in this Con- 
dishon : your state is sad and miserable, w ch causeth my heart to be 
broken and my eyes to rune downe w th teares, to see how your herts is 
hardened, and your eyes is blinded : y l you doe nor will not see what 
you are striueing and feighteing against, oh consider you are striueing 
against him w ch is to hard for you, who will try you in your law w^ you 
haue : in your owne wills, for sume among you are ready to balke [?], 
because you haue made sume to fly out of your Jurisdiction, where they 
had outward subsistance to Hue upon, because they Could not bow 
downe to you : nor submit to your wills : theirfore haue you banished 
them away, upon paine of death, oh Consider and see if that spirit, doe 
not rule in you at present w ch ruled in them of old England : w ch Caused 
sume of you for to leiue them, oh what a fillthy and abominable thing 
this is to heare : y* you should be persecuted : for Conscience sake, and 
Hue to come to persecute others euen unto death, because they are Come 
to posses : y e life and substance of that, w ch you profes in words and 
theirfore is your hatred against them : theirfore hath the lord required 
it and layd it upon sume of his seruants for to try you unto death, that 
if you satisfie your wills upon them : the lord will doe w th you as he 
hath determined. Soe Remember you are warned of y e thing in your 
life time, before y e euill day Com upon you. By y e spirit of the liue- 
ing god. From us who was Counted foules among you : But is Content 
to be soe. Whose names in y e flesh is 

William Robinson and 
Marmaduke Stevenson. 

[Addressed] A Paper to you who are 1 j Called magestrates and the Preists | 
which Joyne w th you in persecution | within this towne of Boston : and 
Else | where in New England. 

From Francis Howgill. 

John Indicott Governo r of Boston and Rich : Billingham : who haue 
made yo r selfes manifest by yo r actions and Carrages, by yo r pap rs and 
writings ; loue of y e serpents Seed, who makes Warr w th y e Lamb, and 
his followers ; who are Joyned w th y e Dragon ; and casts out floods aft r 
y e woman and y e remnants of her seed, to destroy her and y m y l soe y u 
might rule in y e kingdome of darkness w th out molestation : Rich : 

1 The word " magistrates " followed, but was struck out. 


Billingham thy envettred words and thy p r secutinge spirit ; y e Sound 
of w ch hath reached as farr as Old England ; yo u y* were Cryers out of 
p r secution and Cruelty in time past ; are now become as Cruell p r se- 
cutors, as any of y e beasts followers yo u fled y e Crosse of x 1 here in 
England, when yo u were proved and tryed, when yo u should haue 
borne Witness for god in yo r generation ; and now y l w ch fled y e Crosse 
p r secute y m who take up y e Crosse ; and follow x* in y e straite way ; 
w ch yo u yet never sett foott in ; and y e nature w ch was to be Limited by 
y e Crosse of x* yo u caryed w th yo u into New England ; and now it 
manifests it selfe by yo r bloody Cruelty and insolente wickedness w ch yo u 
haue acted ; w ch makes yo r names and .practizes to stinke amongst all 
sob r people and art become as Cruell and bruitish ; as y e barbarious 
heathens ; and y e popish Inquissito rs are shorte ofFyo u in Cruelty ; mad- 
ness and wicked inventions : and now yo u rejoice in yo r jniquity ; al- 
though it were y e high and only way to felicity ; Rich : Billingham : 
thou saist thou art glad to heare of M r Gordens carefull and faithfull 
proceedings ag* y e incorragable ; obstinatid, Roguish, Quakers ; as for 
Gorden he is manifest to be of y e same w th thee in Cains way in Envie 
and Wrath hath manifeste his folly in y e County of Suffolke ; soe all 
sob r people, abhorres and detests his practizes ; and is Counted no other 
then a pevish willfull blind Ignorante man ; befo r whose face y e feare 
of y e Lord is not, and his proceedings will never bringe honno r to him, 
but rather infamy and reproach, and externall shame ; and truly y e 
Least of y e Children of light ; and y m y l have but any moderation as men 
are ashamed of his practize ; both superio rs and inferio rs and thou y l re- 
joicest ; and art glad of his proceedings, and also some others whom thou 
writest by w ch is one w th thy spirite ; thy rejoiceinge is not good ; and thy 
Joy shall be turned into mourninge and shame shall cover thy face : when 
y e Lord god of heaven and Earth ariseth in his righteous Judgm ts 
to plead w th thee and all his Enemies ; by his righteous Judgm" then 
shame and Confussion shall cover yo r faces ; thou saith they are a formid- 
able People and not to be neglected ; for many follow their p r nitious 
wayes : I say they are a people ; whose begininge ; hath been but 
small, who hath come through greate tribulations ; whose End shall be 
greate. They are y e heritage whom god hath chosen ; to place his 
name in ; and reveall his Power unto ; and to be witnesses of his 
Salvation ; unto y e Ends of y e Earth ; and they are and have been and 
shall be a dread unto all their Enemies, and though thou mayest seeke 
to oppose, and use all thy diligence and neglecte no oppertunity ; to 
\v th stand y m , yet it is but all ; as if thou shouldest sett Thornes and 
briars ; in battell ag 1 y e Lord : thou saist ; if y s Lord hath given these 
heriticks Comission to kill y e Witnesses ; They are malignante anouffe 
to make it y e most direfull Execution y* ever befell gods people; 
Heriticks are they who deney y e true foundation ; x l y e true light y t 

1909.] QUAKER PROTESTS, 1659-1675. 365 

lighteth every man y* cometh into y e world; amongst whom thou w th 
Jn° Indicott and y e rest of y e blood thirsty men in New England ; whose 
malignity hath appeared, whose cruelty hath surpassed and sup[er]- 
abounded many y t are gone before yo u ; and y e witness yo u have killed 
in yo r selfes ; and y e witnesses yo u seeke to destroy w th out yo u and yo r 
Execution ag l both y e witnesses hath been as wicked as most of y e 
Persecuto rs of old ; who hath ploughed longe furowes upon y e backs of 
his people ; soe have yo u done w th yo r whipps, and yo r stripes againe 
and againe ; by yo r owne Confession ; w ch hath not only teared y e flesh 
of Gods people ; but reached to y e sinues ; and to their Joyntes and yet 
yo 11 would be called x^aus ; oh full of Ignorance and grosse stupidity ; x l 
came not to destroy men's lifes ; but to save y m : and yo u pretend yo r selfes 
Rulers and x*ian magistrates ; and would not be accounted men of 
Blood, and insteed of savinge yo u seeke to destroy ; as yo r actions have 
made manifeste ; ag* William Brend (a man feareing god a sob r man 
knowne to many of y e inhabitants of y e Citty of London, to be a Just 
man in his Generation;) in causinge 117: stripes and upwards to be 
Executed on his body ; by a Pytchd-Rope ; as though he had been a 
Blocke ; or a stone, altogeath r insenceable ; shameless men and full of 
Impudency and hard heartedness ; in whose hearts there is no remorse ; 
nor fear of god. Witness yo r Cutting off y e Eares of Jn° Copeland : 
Christo : Holder and Jn° Rouse, men feareinge God ; and as well edu- 
cated as yo r selfes ; and for no transgression at all ; of any law of God ; 
neith r any of yo r owne ; but when yo u had none y* would reach to be a 
Cover for yo r Cruelty yo u goe unto y e neith r most hell ; To invent laws 
w ch all x'ians ; are ashamed off ; and all sob r people detests it ; and 
soe let yo r actions ; beare witness to yo r faces ; and let all sob r people 
Judge, who are in y e Malignity ; and who are y e slayers of y e witnesses ; 
and these Quakers by open Profession ; Thou saith, tendeth to ruine 
all xtian Society ; Compassinge sea and land to y* end ; thou vomits 
out thy rage and casts up mire and dirte like a raginge wave, but thy 
bound is sett ; y* w ch y e Quakers professeth Tendeth, to y e uniteing of 
all ; (y l beleive) unto x* and one to anoth r in love and verity in peace 
and in meekness long sufferinge and patience ; but all such society ; y l 
thou art off; who art asotiated ; w th death and hell, and Cryes a Con- 
federacy w th all y e army of y e beast ; who is full of rage ; venome and 
insolency and wickedness ; whose hearte is set on fire of hell ; w ch 
makes all this flame and smoke ascend out of y e pitt, where thou and 
y e Rest y l are asociated ; w th thee resides, and hath yo r dwellinge place ; 
and Thou saith ; there Religion is to speake Rebelion, Sedition ; in y e 
presence and to y e face of Authority ; God will Confound Thy Lyinge 
Lipps ; and bridle thy deceitefull tongue and Cause sorrow to fill thy 
hearte ; in y e day of his righteous judgm" for all Thy hard Speeches ; 
false accusations ; slanderous words ; all sob r people in England, 


Scoteland and Ireland knowes thee to be a Lyer ; all people in every 
Secte have been stirrers up of partyes and have in one thinge or other 
striven to rebell ag* y* power w ch hath gone aboute to Limitt y m in their 
Ends ; but y e people scornefully reproached called Quakers ; hath 
borne all ; hath suffered under all ; in patience ; and have leten many 
floods goe over y m and many waves Compasse y m : and yet have rested 
In patience : knowinge y* it is bett r to suffer wronge then to doe wrong; 
Though I tell thee y e Quakers soe Called : might more Justly in the 3 : 
Nations claim Propriety and liberty ; for y e Exercise of Their pure 
Consciences and also their persons and estates ; then any other people 
in y e 3 Nations besides for they are they y l haue stood by y e Authority 
in y e time of greatest dainger ; in y e time of y e bishops when p r secution 
was y e greatest w ch yo u like Cowards fled from they staid in y e midst of 
it ; bearing their Testimony ag l y e grosse Ignorance of y m who Exercised 
Lordshipp oner y e heritage of god ; in y l time, and also in all y e late 
warrs in y e 3 nations ; there are few of y m but haue Joyned w th y m w ch 
cryed up reformation, and semed to seeke aft r Righteous things, and 
their fidelity to righteous governm f magistracy and ministry manifeste 
to all unbiazed spirits; and though now at last when we expected free 
Liberty for y e Exercise of o r Consciences ; and preservation of o r p r sons 
and estates w ch had been a just recompence fo r all o r so r trialls travells and 
Labours; but behold a Troope of Robers haue labo r ed to nipp and to 
spoyle y e plante of renowne, w ch god is bringing forth and haue made 
liavocke of o r estates and cryes up y e powers of y e Earth to stand by y m 
fo r their owne Ends onely to maintaine their Covetous greedy practizes 
and behold y e Priests of these Nations they are now as they haue beene 
in former generations foemento rs of mischeefe, stirrers up of sedeition 
and patronizers of Rebellion and seekinge to make partyes to uphold 
their deceite and calls upon authority to p r secute ; and tells y e mag- 
istrate they ought to doe soe and teacheth y m to abuse their power 
to y e provokeing of y e wrath of god ag l a Nation or a people ; and 
Thou saith in y e presence of authority they labour to make y e mag- 
istrate to be a man of blood thou Ignorante man who hath Lost thy 
naturall reason ; will a magistrate who is become a man of blood, 
become advantageous to vs, but rather haue not we suffered ; and 
wold not yo u be Counted bloody Magistrates ; then cease yo r 
sheding of blood ; yo r whipinge, yo r beating, yo r burning and stigma- 
tizing ; yo r cuting of off Eares for Else yo r owne action hath and will 
evidence and demonstrate yo u to be men of blood, and yo u will be 
recorded amongst y e blood thirsty and cruell p r secuto rs and yo" can 
Expecte nothing from y e hand of god ; but severe destruction ; and 
thou saisth they Encorrage people ag* Lawfull authority, not regardinge 
their lifes, soe they may attaine their End ; would yo u be accounted 
Lawfull authority w' law of god hath Authorized yo u to turne yo r 

1909.] QUAKER PROTESTS, 1659-1G75. 367 

Sword ag* y e innocente and vpright ; and many love not their lifes vnto 
death ; to finish their testimony ag* y e dragon and his pow r y e beast and 
his authority ; w ch would compell all both small and great, to worshipp 
him, and were yo u not blind yo u might see ; y t yo u are his followers and 
not y e Lambes followers ; thou saith, was there ever any state soe be- 
reaved of reason ; as to suffer such things y e honno r of god ; y e safty of 
Religion ; y e peace of y e Countrey is invaded by these Emissaries of 
Sathan ; yo u are y' state y { is bereaved of sence and bereaved of rea- 
son; who thinks to defend yo r Religion by Clubbs and staves: Cains 
Weapons, and thinke to bringe honno r to god by killing his serva tts and 
defaceing his workmanship w ch he hath made ; and are amon st y e Pharra- 
sees recorded ; who thought they did god good Service when they 
wente aboute to kill his memb rs and are not yo r thoughts, y e same yo u 
blind and slow of hearte to beleive ; and shall not y e Magistrates thou 
saith ; be as Confidente to punish ; as they to offend Capitally ; w 4 is 
y e offence ; yo u had no law till yo u had made one, to satisfie yo r wicked 
End ; and yo r insatiable Cruelty ; and though yo u may be Confident y l 
this will stopp y e spreading of y e Truth of god ouer y e Earth ; yo" shall 
know yee potsherds yo r Confidense shall fail ; and truth shall goe ouer yo r 
(hills) as a flood ; at this time thou saist we haue 12. Quakers in prison 
in Boston; to thy shame be it spoken ; who gives such Entertainm 1 to 
straing" and to men of yo r owne nacon ; yo u are farr from Abrahams 
Spirite, and farr from Jobes Spirite ; who opened his dore to travellers ; 
and entertained y e straing r and yo u are out of y e Law of god who Com- 
aunded to Entertaine Straingers and were not yo u once Straing rs in this 
land, and doe yo u thus Requite y e lord for his kindness as to shutt y m vp 
in holes and denns and Caves and pharoh like hath yo r taskmast rs to Ex- 
ercise yo r Cruelty vpon y m oh unheard of Cruelty and vnparrailelld 
wickedness y e memoriall of yo r Cry will not easyly be blotted out but 
will sound into y e Eares of generations to come ; and y e record of yo u 
will be vn than kfulln ess ; and ingratitude ; and yo r inhuman Cruelty hath 
appeared to yo r owne neighbo rs who haue recided longe amongst yo u , men 
of greate age ; and of Fame in yo r Countrey for vprightness haue become 
yo r prey ; and this is fullfilled amongst yo 11 w ch was spoken on by y e 
prophett; her Princes are as eveninge wolues who is greedy of their prey ; 
who gnawes not y e bones till y e morrow ; thou saist they prevaile much ; 
they haue prevailed and shall prevaile for strong is y e Lord of hosts y l 
is w th y m and goes before y m whose arme Compasseth y m aboute 
and refreshes y m and preserves y in in patience ; in y e midst of all 
yo r Cruelty; for nowe apon [?] y f - is formed ag f him ; whom they beare 
witness of ; shall prosper and every tongue y l riseth vp in Judgm" ag' 
him will he condemne. thou saith ; there are two Jews among y m w* if 
there be ; vsed not yo u and y e rest of yo r Clergy to pray fo r y e Con- 
verssion of y e Jewes ; and are yo u now angry ; if any of y m be turned 


from darkness to light ; but none can Escape thy slanderous tongue w th out 
reproach ; thou saith y e Jovnctu r betweene y e Jesuits ; and these heri- 
ticks is strong; thou art nearer Joyned to y e Jesuits ; then the Quakers: 
for they and yo u in New England ; are workinge one and y e selfe same 
Worke ; will not most people in y e Regions know thy Lyes, is it not 
Publickely knowne in many Countreys : y* two ofy e Quakers are Im- 
prisoned by y e pope ; and Jesuites at Rome, lately and hath been put 
in y e inquisition, and one of y m prisoned till death ; and y e oth r re- 
maines in prison, vnder Cruell bonds : till this day ; and how read 
whether y e Joyntu r betweene y e Jesuites and yo u be not great, who are 
actiuge in one and y e selfe worke ; and brings forth one and y e selfe 
same fruite : y e Aples of Sodam : and y e grapes of Gomorrah ; whom 
god destroyed ; w ch will be y e P2nd of all y e wicked ; except they re- 
pente. There is more danger, thou saith : in this people to trouble and 
ouercome : England ; then y e King of Scots ; and all y e Popish Princes 
in Germany ; thy tongue is sett on fyer of hell ; w ch makes thee vtt r 
forth all these horrid Lyes, and false accusations ; and bitt r things ag* 
y e lord and his people ; and will not all sob r people iu England see thy 
Envie, haue not England had sufHtiente proofe of o r fidelity; agty 6 
King of Scotts, and y e Popish priests confederate w th him and thousands 
in England shall beare witness for vs, ag* thee, and all thy false accusa- 
tions ; thou saist they strengthen all discontents ag* y e presente govern- 
m u , and hath all plotts and encourrage all Combinations and insurrections : 
y e present governm 1 of these Nations; will be a witness for vs ag* thee: 
y* amon st all y e people in y e Nations, we haue been most passive and 
sufferinge, and y e discontents, and plotts : and Combinations from time 
to time : have been among y e Presbyter Priests, and their Faction ; of 
whose stocke and offspringe yo u are ; and further thou saist, they vente 
horrid blasphemy ag* god ; w ch ought to be persecuted, w th y e severest 
Sensures : thou art of y* generation y t Called y e M r of y e house ; 
Belzebub ; and in y e steepps of y e persecutinge Jewes, who said he hath 
spoken blasphemy, w t need we any more witness : but how can we 
speake evill or blaspheeme him who is our life : and in y e day, when he 
ariseth to Judge all y e Earth in righteousness ; he will Justifie vs and 
cleare vs, and Condemne the malignity and thy hard speeches and vaine 
thoughts w ch lodge in thy corrupted hearte ; from whence all these vn- 
savory words hath been vttered forth, and [terra] New Englands devin- 
ity to teach p r secution : y* thou art so Impudenteas to owne it in words, 
w ch will persecute w th y e severest [terra] testimony is of y e devill, and 
is in Cains way, and doth thou lay this down for a doctrine to England 
to appease y s wrath of god, towards it. I say p r secution and severe 
sensures is y* w ch kindled y e wrath of god ; on These Nations ; and did 
ouertake y e bishops, y e kinge, and all their Confederacy, and ouer threw 
y e Nobles of y e Land ; y e Auntiente and y e honorable ; w ch were y e 

1909.] QUAKER PROTESTS, 1659-1675. 369 

head and all y e false prophetts, w ch were y e taile ; and y l same wrath 
shall be stretched ouer yo u who are of y* stocke and offspringe : mani- 
fested by those deadly actions and carract rs of most horrid and wicked 
Cruelty ; w ch y e Lord god will Confound and blaste ; and sett his truth 
aboue it all. 

And, John Indicott, Thou saith y e Quakers trouble : vs very much : 
Though we cause y m to be whipped ; and sente away ; againe ; and 
againe : yet they returne againe. Thou mayest see there is anoth r 
spiritt in y m then was in yo u when yo u fled from ould England from 
vnder y e Bishops ; yo u would suffer nothing for y e truth ; and therefore 
were yo u given vpp : to y e same spiritt y l was in y e p r secuto rs heere in 
England, this is entred into yo u now, and become tenn fould stronger ; 
but now he y l is stronger then all, hath appeared ; and is cominge to 
trouble yo u and to disquiett yo u of yo r rest ; w ch yo u haue taken vp in 
in y e Earth ; w l hath yo r Gospell and y e ministers thereofF noe more 
strength in y m to Convince y e gainsay rs then gainsay rs haue to seduce 
y m y l are in y e truth ; y e day of yo r trouble is come : and y e beginninge 
of sorrows is kindled vpon yo u , and a greater woe followes after. For 
y e Rodd of god is stretched out ouer yo u , and shall reach vnto yo u and 
turne yo r Councills backward ; and Confound yo : in y e midst of yo r 
Combinations ; where did any Christian magistrates whipp and Im- 
prison any for Religion sake or Conscience sake ; or cutt of their Eares. 
where is yo r Law : did any Minister of x* p r swade y e magistrate, it was 
Lawfull for him to doe soe. give vs some Evidence ; and let vs se yo r 
Rule and by w* Autho r ity : yo u doe these things ; and from whence yo u 
haue yo r Authority. I am sure, God never authorized it ; x* nor his 
ministers, nor noe Christian Magistrate : y' ruled for god ; never coun- 
tenanced any such thinge ; as to whipp againe and againe, to beate w th 
Ropes : till men fall downe as dead ; till mens flesh become as Jelly, 
as some of yo r owne haue said ; and shall not y e sa tts be bold to tell 
yo u that this is of y e Divell : who was a Lyer, and a murderer from y e 
begininge, in whose foote stepps yo u are ; who shall receive a reward, 
accordiug to yo r works ; and Thou saist divers of yo u doe Thinke y l vn- 
Less y e Courte doe make a Law to banish y m and not to Returne ; vppon 
paine of death: this Collony will not be ridd of y m . Nay nor then 
neith r Though yo u make a Covenante w th death and agreem" w th hell, 
and shake hands w th y e Prince of Darkness, yo r Covena tts shall be 
broken and yo r Confederacy disanulled ; and yo u Confounded in y e 
midst of yo r Councells : W* have yo u yo r Law to make yet ; to serve 
yo r Turnes : It seemes yo u arte not by y e Law of god ; w ch is made 
allready, w ch is Equall, Just and good : and is for y e Transgressor of 
Justice, goodness and Equity, but takes not hold vpon y e Just, no r 
Equall, nor good ; but yo u must now haue another invented to satisfie 
yo r envious Minds ; and To Accomplish yo r wicked determinations ; and 



yo u y* thinke to make a law, to banish and to put to death, yo r thoughts 
are vaine, and wicked ; and god will bringe y m to Judgm" and Condemne 
yo u for y m , for x* came not to destroy mens Lives, but to save y m . But 
y e Divell makes Lawes to destroy ; and not to save : Read yo r Example, 
and let Shame Cover your faces; and astonishm" fill yo r hearts. y l yo u 
should become soe bruitish and vaine: in yo r thoughts as to thinke to 
limitt y e Lord of heaven and Earth : Can yo u Comannd y e Wind, y l it 
blow not. Can yo u stope y e botles of heaven, y' they poure not forth 
water ; if yo u Canot, noe mo r Can yo u Limitt y e Lord ; and if yo u make 
any such Lawes, to banish, or put to death ; It will procure y e Indigna- 
tion and Wrath of god, most speedily ; more then if y e King of Scots, 
and all y e Popish princes in y e World, did Enter into y e midst of yo r 
Land, but this is come to passe, y* yo r Hipocricy and deceite might be 
made manifest in y e sight of y e Sonn ; and y f all men might see, w l pro- 
fession of words, is w th out y e Life of x l to rule in men. If it should 
have been told yo u when yo u fled from this Nation, w t yo u would doe in 
y e time to come, ag* god, and his Serv tts yo u would have said w th Hazall, 
are we doggs ; but y e hearte of man is deceitefull : vnconverted ; and 
yo r deceived hearts haue led yo u aside. Thou thinkest, They are y e 
worst Heriticks. Thy Eye being Blynded, and thy Vnderstandinge 
darkned ; and Thy Hearte full of Envie ; how shouldst thou Thinke 
otherwise. But Thy thoughts shall be discovered, vnto thee ; and 
Thou shall be Convinced of y e Evill of y m . Thou saist, One Whom 
many thinke is a Jesuitt : Pressed Fo r a Conferance w th one of o r 
Teach rs Called M r Norton : But y e Quak r was quickly weary off it ; 
yo u Live by yo r Thoughts and knowes nothing. If he had been a 
Jesuite. It is like he might have had mo r Favo r From yo u , and y e 
Minister might be very bold, knowing befo r hand no Evill was like to 
befall him, havinge y e Rulers w th their Clubbs on his side ; y e Prison 
dores and house of Correction, Ready to receive y e Quak rs y e Jaylo rs 
and Task Mast rs w th Their Quipps ; and y e Bucherly Fellows, w th Their 
Knives, to cutt off Ears, at y e pleasure, and wills of a Company of 
Envious men ; Before whose face y e feare of y e Lord is not ; But it is 
like yo u _ will make y e Quaker weary Soone ; If he would louke out at 
your Cruelty ; If yo u did as sometimes some of yo r Priests and Rulers ; 
caused to Be done in New England, stopp napkins in their Mouthes, 
and Bound keeys ouer Their Mouthes; y l they could not speake, and 
Then Boast and Say ; y e Quaker had nothing To Answ r . Well, all 
these things are Recorded, and are Writen as w th a Pen of Iron ; and They 
are Engraved ; where They shall not be Blotted out ; and yo r are Regis- 
tred amonge y e Vncircumcised. w th masoke and Tuball ; y e greate 
Princes of Gog, w ch makes Warr ag* y e Lamb, and, his Followers ; 
But y e Lamb, and y e Sain ts shall have The Victory ; and yo u shall be 
Troden as Ashes, Vnder y e Soles of Their Feett ; Fo r they shall melte 

1909.] QUAKER PROTESTS, 1659-1675. 371 

away y* Hate y e Lord. By One Who is A Witness; Against all Blood 
Thirsty Men, and Blind Persecuto rs 

Francis Howgill 
London The 10 th of 11 th mo th . 

[Addressed] To John Indicott Gouerno r Richard Bellingham Deputy Att 
Boston These 

[Endorsed hy Edward Rawson] Certaine scurrilous letters and papers d'd 
into y e Court of Asistants 7 mo 59. by y e Quakers. 


A Declaration to all the World : of our faith : and what we belieue 
who are Called Quakers. 

And this is writen : that all people upon Earth may know : by 
whom and how wee are saved : and hopes for Eternall life : and what 
we belieue conserning god : Crist and y e spirit, and of y e things, y* one 
eternall appertaining to all mankind : to know and belieue : Con- 
serning god, Crist and y e spirit : thus wee belieue : first y* their is onely 
one true god : who is a spirit : and his presence filleth heauen and 
Earth : and he is Eternall and Euerlasting : y e Creator and preserver of 
all things: y l heauen and Earth: and all things theirin : by him were 
fraimed and brought forth : and all things remaine unto this day : by his 
power: and w* soeuer he willeth, in heauen and earth: he bringeth to 
pase : by his word and power. And we belieue that this god onely is and 
ought to be feared : loued and obayed : and worshiped by all Cretures : 
and noe other thing besides him : in heauen and earth, and we belieue : 
y' his worship and obedience : and feare and loue : is to be giuen in 
spirit : euen in w l his owne spirit moueth and leadeth his people vnto : 
and we belieue his loue worship : required : and accepted of him : is not 
by y e tradition of men : in outward observations or set days or places : 
but he is worshiped : onely in spirit and truth : without respect of time 
places or things : and y l none can worship him in righteousnes : but his 
Chilldren : who are borne of his spirit, and are led and giuded theirby, 
and we belieue y* this god : hath giuen his son Christ Jesus into ye 
world : a free gift into y e whole world : and noe nation Country or 
people : Excepted : but vnto all mankind : is he giuen of god : and 
hath lightened them : and euery man through y e world : y l belieueth in : 
and receiueth Christ : who is y e wisdome and power of y e father, shall 
be saued : with eternall Saluation, and Euery one y* belieueth not in 
him, shall be damned : and shall posses Euerlasting mesury : and w e 
belieue : y l Salluation Justification and sanctification : is onely in him : 

1 These words are written where the address should be, and are in the writing 
of the Howgill document. 


and wrought by him, and noe other : for their is noe other name : 
given vnder heauen : but by him alone : by w ch saluatiou is And we 
belieue all y* receiues him : and belieues in him : are reconsiled to god : 
and are made aliue to god : to Hue in him : in all things : and doth re- 
ceiue forgiuenes of sines : and are set free from all unrighteousnes : and 
from y e body of sin and death : and hath y e witnes of ye spirit in 
them : and y e spirit of y e father : they haue receiued : and it wituesseth 
in them : of y e father : and of ye son : and of y e things : that belong 
vnto their peace : and its y e earnest of y e inheritance : and y e seall of y e 
promis : of Eternall life : and by it are y e deepe things of god : 
reuealed to mankind, and by it y e father and y e son : f 1 ] in y e saints : and 
by it haue they fellowship one with another : and y e father son and 
spirit are one : and this we faithfully belieue : againe conserning Christ : 
we belieue y* he is one with y e father : and was with him : before y e 
w r orld was : what y e father worketh : it is by y e son : for he is y e arme 
of gods salluation, and y e very power : and wisdome of y e Creator : and 
was and is : and is to come : without begining or End : and we belieue 
y* all y e prophitts : gaue testimony of him ; and y t he was manifest in 
Judea, and Jerusalem : and did y e worke of y e father : and was per- 
secuted of the Jewes : and was Crucified by his Enimyes : and y* he 
was buried and rose againe : according to y e scriptures : and we belieue : 
he is now assended on high : and exalted at y e right hand of y e father 
for euermore : and y* he is glorified : with y e same glory : that he had 
before y e world was : and y* euen y e same : y* Came downe from heauen : 
is assended vp to heauen : and y e same y* desended is he y 4 assended, and 
we belieue : euen he y* was dead is now aliue : and Hues foreuer more : 
and y t he cometh : and shall come againe : to iudge y e whole world : 
with righteousnes and all people with Equity : and giue to euery man : 
according to his : at y e day of iudgment : when all shall arise : to con- 
demnation : or Justification he y* hath don good : shall receiue life : and 
he that hath don Euill : Euerlasting Condemnation : and we belieue : he 
is to be waited for in the spirit : to be knowne after y e spirit : as he was 
before ye world was : and y* y s knowledge vnto eternall life : which all y* 
belieue in him : doth receiue : and he subdues death : and destroys him 
y l hath y e power of it : and restoreth from death to life : and quickeneth 
by his spirit : all y* y e father hath giuen him : and we belieue such he 
Justifies and sanctifies : and such are taught of him : but he Condemns 
all yt belieue not, but Continues in vnbeleife : and are not taught of him : 
and this we faithfully belieue. and we belieue y* vnto all people : vpon 
y e face of y e whole Earth : is a time and a day of visitation giuen : y l 
they may returne and be saued : by Christ Jesus : who is giuen of y e 
father : to Call y e worst of men : to repentance, and y e most vngodly of 
siners are convinced by him : of their vngodly deeds : that they might 

1 An illegible word, conjectured to be " dwelt." 

1909.] QUAKER PROTESTS, 1659-1675. 373 

belieue and be Converted and saned : and we belieue herein is y e loue 
of god : manifested to all mankind : and y* none is shut out by him •' 
before they were borne in to y e work : but vnto all men is a visitation 
giuen, and they y* doe perish : it is because they doe not belieue in 
Christ : and destruction is of mans selfe : but salluation is of god through 
belieuing in his son : who takes away sin : and renueth into his owne 
Image : that they might become heires with him. and we belieue y e 
there is a Crowne of Eternall glory : and an Inheritance of Eternall 
life : to be enioyed foreuer more : by all that belieue, and are chosen 
of god : and y* there is an euerlasting misery : and destruction : to 
be possessed : by all that belieues not : but continues in y e state of rep- 
robation : and are not Chainged : from y e waies of sin and Death : but 
walkes after y e wayes : of their owne hearts lusts, fullfilling y e will of 
y e flesh : in y e Euill of this world : and folowes not Christ y e light of 
y e world : that they may be saued : and we belieue : vpon all such : y e 
wrath of god abideth : and that they haue noe part in the inheritance 
of god, and we beleiue : it is onely he that is borne againe : of the spirit : 
and that walkes after the spirit : who is Chainged from death to life : 

And who is redeamed out of y e world : and all its wayes: such onely 
must inheritt y e kingdome of God : and they onely have right therevnto 
and none besides : Euen those that are washed : and clensed from all 
vnrighteousnes: by y e blood of Jesus: by w ch their sines are remited 
for his blood clenseth from all vnrighteousnes and sin : yea all such y l 
walke and abide in y e light ; which Crist Jesus hath lightned y e world 
w th all. and we belieue y l y e saints vpon Earth : may receiue forgiue- 
nes of sines : and may be perfectly freed from y e body of sin and death : 
and in Crist may be perfect and without sin : and may haue victory 
ouer all temptations by faith : in Crist Jesus : and we belieue euery 
saint y* is called of god : ought to press after perfection to ouercome y e 
Devill and all his temptations : vpon Earth : and we belieue they that 
faithfully waite for it : shall obtaine it and shall be presented without 
sin in y e Image of y e father ; and such walkes not after y e flesh but 
after y e spirit : and are in Couenant with god and their sines are blotted 
out and remembred noe more : for they seece to comit sin : being 
borne of god : and we belieue y e gospell of Crist is the power of god 
vnto saluation : and y' it ought to be preached freely vnto all people : 
and Crist to be held forth to all mankind : by y e ministry sent of him, 
and wee belieue this ministry : is receiued by y e gift of y e holy ghost : 
and all y l receiue it: are lawfully Called to y e ministry: and they may 
preach y e gospell : of Crist freely : as they haue receiued : it freely : 
and this ministry is not of man : but of god : and is made powerfull to 
the conuerting of siners : and to v e bringing of people to god : and to 
y e knowledge of his wayes : and we doe not belieue : y l any man is a 
minister of Crist : without y e gift of y e holy ghost : or y* y e gospell can 


be receiued : by naturall learneing or Education : and we belieue such 
as preacheth for hire : and hath hire for preaching : are not y e lawfull 
called ministers: of y e gospell of Christ: such as are proud and high- 
minded and Covetus men : who doth not profit y e people at all : such 
as haue run and neuer were sent of Christ : who Calleth by his spirit : 
into the worke of y e ministry, and as Euery one hath receiued y e gifte 
of y* his spirit: soe he may administer to others. Conserning Rulers 
and Gouernors we belieue y* there ought to be rulers and gouernors : in 
Euery nation : city Country or towne : and they ought to be such men : 
as feareth god and hateth euery Euill way : who will iudge for god : 
and not for man : and will iudge righteously : equaly and iustly : 
and will giue true and sound iudgment vnto all men : without 
bribery or respect of persones : not regarding y e rich aboue y e power : 
but being a prays vnto all that doe well : and a tirer : to all Euill 
doers : whatsoeuer : haueing knowledge in y e pure law of god : pure 
reason and Equity : being the foundation theiroff : y t gods witnes in 
euery man : may answere to it : and y e law ought to be knowne : vnto 
all people : before transgression : be Charged or punished in any man. 
and we belieue y* euery transgression : ought to be punished according 
to its nature : and y* y e punishment : exceed not y e greatnes of y e 
transgression : neither ought any transgression : to escape vnpunished : 
neither ought any vpon false suspition : or ielusies : to be caused to 
sufer : w th out y e testimony of true men : or y e Confesion of y e pairty. 
and we belieue that Exeecutors of y e law : ought to be iust men : and 
not giuen to pride Drunkenes : or any other Euill : whatsoeuer : and 
ought to be chosen Euery yeare : or other wise by y e Consent of y e 
people : and y l noe man be stoped of his free Choyce exeept iustly 
taxed: and we belieue, y l all gouernours and rulers: ought to be 
acountable to y e people : and to y e next proseeding Rulers : for all 
their actions : which may be inquired : into: vpon occasion: and y t y e 
Cheifest of y e rulers : be subiect vnder y e law : and punishable by it : 
if they be transgressors : as well as y e poorest of y e people : and thus 
true iudgment and iustise will be brought forth in y e Earth : and all y* 
doe well will haue prays : and Hue in rest and peace : and all euill 
doers : whatsoeuer may stand in awe, and be afraid of god and iust 
men : and y e Execution of gods lawes : Conserning religion : wee 
belieue: y* it is onely y e spirit of y e lord: y l makes men truely 
religious, and y t noe man : ought to be Compeled to or from : any 
Exarsice or practis in religion, by any outward law, or power : but 
Euery man ought to be left free as y e lord shall perswade his owne 
mind : in doeing or leauing vndon : this or y e other practis : in religion : 
aud Euery man : of what profesion in religion soeuer : ought to be 
protected in peace : prouided himselfe be a man of peace : not seeking 
y e wrong of any mans person or estate, and we belieue y t to reproue : 

1909.] QUAKER PROTESTS, 1659-1075. 375 

false oppinions: and unsound docktrines, and principles: seeking to 
conuince them : y t oppose themselues : by Exortation or sharpe 
reproufe : by word or writing ought not to be Counted : a breach of 
y e peace : or to striue aboote y e things of the kingdom of god : by men 
of contrary minds : or Judgments : this ought not to be punishable : 
by y e magestrates and their lawes : for we belieue y* y e outward law, 
and powers of y e Earth: is onely to preserue mans persons and estates, 
and not to preserue men in opinions : neither ought y e law of y e nation 
to be layd vpon mens consiences : to bind them : to our Consiences : 
and his spirit onely must lead : into all truth : 

And we belieue y* obedience and subiection in y e lord : belongs to 
superiours and y 1 subiects ought to obey them : in y e lord : y* haue rule 
ouer them : and y* Chilldren ought to obay their parents : and wiues 
their husbands : and seruants their masters in all things : w^ h is accord- 
ing to god : w ch stands in y e Exarsice of a pure Consience towards 
god : but where Rulers parents or masters : or any other : commandeth 
or requireth subiection in any thing: w ch is contrary to god: or not 
according to him : in such Causes all people are free and ought to obay 
god rather than man : and we belieue that herein god will justifie 
them : being guided and led by his spirit : in all things which is good : 
and out of all that which is Euill. 

Againe we belieue, conserning Election : and reprobation : that there 
is a state of Election and a state of reprobation : a state chosen of god, 
and a state reiected of god, and y* all mankind are in one of these 
states : all y* are elected : and elected in Christ and all y* are out of 
him : and in y e state reprobate : bringing forth fruits of Death : and 
darknes : being Chilldren of wrath : and disobedience : in y e alination 
and seperation from god : in y e transgression vnreconsiled to god : 
y e Enmity ruleing : in y e hart : being in y e fall and not restored to god 
againe : but ignorant of his power : and of his wisdome : haueing y e vn- 
derstanding darkned : y* they Cannot see nor perceiue : y e things y t are 
Eternall, and in this Condision : his best workes are sin : and whatso- 
euer he doth : he cannot be accepted : w th god, for he is dead to god : 
and aliue to all Euill : bringing forth all his workes : out of y* ground 
which is cursed : this is y e Condition of all mankind : vpon y e face of 
y e earth in y e first Adam : and this is y e state of reprobation, and all 
y l abides herein : are reiected of god : and shall neuer Inherit Eternall 
life: but goes into perdition : yet haue all such a day of visitation : 
that they may returne : out of y e state of reprobation : but hateiug 
knowledge, and despiseing the loue of god : they continue in y e state 
Reprobate : and y e wrath of god abides vpon them : but they y t are 
chosen of god are deliuered from wrath : for they belieue in y e light : 
and becomes Chilldren : of y e light : and are renued in mind and hart : 
and receiueth y e loue of y e father : and becometh plants into Christ : 


y e second Adam, and are chosen in him : to bring forth fruit vnto y e 
father : and all their fruit springeth from that ground : w ch is- blessed : 
for they are led by y e spirit of y e father : and such are in y e state of 
Election : who are heires with Christ of y e Euerlasting inheritence : 
w ch neuer fades away : and this we faithfully belieue : that mercy is not 
showed to y e reprobate ; nor iudgment : to y m y* are chosen of god : 

And this is to goe abroad, in y e world : that all people may vnder- 
stand what we belieue : and what we haue receiued of god : and they 
y* belieue this and walke therein : by y e spirit of y e father shall be 
saued, but they that belieue not: but are disobedient to y e truth : shall 
be condemned, because they doe not belieue. much more might be 
writen : but in short this is giuen forth : by one y t hath belieued and 
retained the knowledge of these things from God. a frind vnto all 

Edward Burrough 

From William Dewsburt. 

To all Nations, Kindreds, Languages and Tongues and People w*h the 
princes and Rulers, and all people from the highest, to the Lowest, this 
to you is the word of the Lord God : Feare god and give glory to his 
name, for the houre of his Judgm*s is come ; and his dreadfull terrible 
day will come speedily vpon all nations and people therfore worshipp 
him that made heauen and earth the sea and the fountaines of waters, 
and them vpholds by the word of his power. Lett his dread and feare 
be vpon you all people : See what acquaintance and vnion you haue 
w'h him, he is a god y 1 will not be mocked ; who is now coming in his 
pure dreadfull majestie, and glorious almighty power, to breake downe 
and dash in peeces, like a potters vessell, all people, from the highest 
to the Lowest, from the prince on the throne, to the beggar on the 
dunghill, in, and amongst all nations, kindreds, languages, tongues and 
people ; who put y e day of the lord god afarr of, and Hue w'hout the 
knowledge of the only trew god in this world ; seruing an vnknowne 
god in the Ignorance of yo r minds, and in traditions, worshiping you 
know not what, and walking euery on in yo r owne wayes ; doing yo r owne 
workes, w ch leads to satisfie the flesh, in the Lusts thereof, all which is 
abhomiuacon to the only true, euer liuing god ; to whom you must giue 
an account for euery Idle word and all the deeds done in the body ; all 
people vpon the face of the earth, lett the time past bee suffitiente. you 
haue liued, w l hout the true knowledge of the only true god, in this the 
liuing god visitts you, w*h a day of visitation of his mercie ; to declare 
vnto you his councell that you may come to y e knowledge of him ; bee 
warned to depart from yo r euill wayes, and harken diligentlie to y e 
councell of the onlie true god ; who waites vpon you, to bee gratious to 

1909.] QUAKER PROTESTS, 1659-1675. 377 

you ; whose grace is appeared vnto you, w c h is y l light Christ Jesus the 
Sonn of god hath lighted you wliall, y l discouereth vnto you the secrett 
euill of y e harte and Conscience ; in the feare of y e liuing god, search 
yo r hartes w'h the light, w c h is the Councill of god y l conuinceth you, 
in yo r hartes and consciences, y* lying is a sinn, swearing is a sinn, 
Couetousness is a sin, pride is a sin, drunkenness and gluttony is a 
sin. whordome and vncleaness a sin ; Cozening and cheating a sin, and 
dissimulacon a sin, tiranuy, crueltie and oppression is sins, murder w*h 
the forinentioned, w c h cries to the god of heauen for vengeance, w c h if 
you walck not in obedience to the grace of god, the light w c h discouer- 
eth y ffl to guide you out of them ; as y e Lord destroyed the old world, 
who rejected his councill ; so will the Lord god of heauen and earth 
breake in vpon you : all people scatered in all nations, kindreds, 
Tongues, Languages ; for the Eternall decree is gone ouer you all who 
walke in wicked wayes he will breake you downe and dash you to 
peices, and you shall become an abhorring to all flesh, therfore prize 
the time, while god preserues you, for the day of yo r visitacon is come, 
wherin y e god of heauen invites and exhorts you, in the power of the 
spiritt to returne vnto him, w c h if you diligently hearken vnto his coun- 
cill, the light w c h shewes the euill way, and conuinceth of the sin, as 
before written, and waite in the light on him, to lead you out of all 
Idolatry, and euery sinfull and euill way, then will the onlie true god 
giue you power ouer yo r sinfull and vncleane natures, and he will teach 
you his wayes, and lead you into the path of righteousness, and saue you 
out of all Idolatrous wayes you haue walked in, and will establish 
you in the eternall rest and peace w l h all his Children, that walke in 
obedience to his councill, the light w c h conuinceth of sin ; in the secreet 
of the harte and conscience in w c h light he is gathering his people out 
of all nations kindreds, Languages, Tongues and peoples into his owne 
kingdome, in y e light w l h him to walck, who is now establishing his 
kingdome in the earth, w c h kingdome shall break downe all other king- 
domes, and their dominion take away, and destroy to y e end ; Then shall 
the kingdome of y e euer liuing god be knowne in y e earth to destroy the 
Image, that will not submitt to him. and to establish all that walke in 
the light, in his euerlasting kingdome to dwell, and ther to praise his 
name, who alone is worthy ouer all God blessed for euer : 

Heare and feare all nations kindreds Tongues and People, repente 
and turne to the only true god, in barkening diligently to his councill, 
y e light that conuinceth you of sin, the secrets of yo r hartes and Con- 
sciences, y* you be not cutt of, in his dreadfull day of the feirce wrath, 
of y e euerlasting god ; wherin he will destroy all Idolatry out of the 
earth and perfirme according to his word here declared, and you shall 
certainly know, the mouth of y e Lord hath spoken it, w ch he will bring 
vpon all nations, remember you are warned in yo r life time, in this day 



of yo r visitation, if you slight itt, yo r destruction is of your selues, and 
yo r blood is vpon yo r owne heads. From the righteous seed of whom 
it is written,, it shall be no more said the Lord liueth y l brought vp out 
of the Land of Egept, but the Lord liueth y 1 hath raysed vp his seed and 
brought it forth of the North Country Jeremiah is euen forth of y e 
North contrey called England, from the seed of god ther arisen, that 
shall spread ouer all the Nations of y e World. 

William Deavsbury. 1 

A Testimony. 

24 th day of 6 mo th 1675. 

A Testimony from (us in Scorne called Quakers but are) the 
Children of y e light. 

Christ Jesus y e light of the world, and prince of peace is comne, and 
hath giuen an understandinge that is true ; And also a beeinge in 
measure w th in his kingdome w ch consists of peace and Joy everlastinge ; 
yea! he hath manifested y e root of Bitterness, from whence y t plant of 
unrighteousness hath sprunge vp, w ch bringes forth cursed fruits 
(as lyinge, Swearinge, Enuy, Coueteousness, Prid, Fightings, Warring 
w th Carnall wepons, blood Sheed, Killinge, Murther, and many more 
grosse euills in the kingdomes here belowe, (to the dishonour of God's 
blessed name) yea ! and alsoe he hath called to y e Sons of Men to 
turne from death and its way, to life y e way to God ; And his call hath 
preuailed w th a remnant (tho' many haue rejected it) soe y e Judgment 
hath been sett up in the earth, and y e Law of y e Spirit of life hath 
taken hould of y e bitter root, and ouerturned, and is in ouerturninge 
both branch and root ; And the righteousness of y e Law fulfilled 
through y e beleefe; And y e Kingdome of God, and his Christ comne in 
men, and his Throwne therm Established and his Scepter exalted and 
sweighed ouer all; in the hearts of all, That thus haue passed from 
death to Life, who hath giuen vp their names to Christ y e Prince of 
Peace, under his peacable Gouernment in a State of subjection and obe- 
dience to abide and dwell in his kingdome, w ch consists of righteousness, 
Joy, and Peace in y e Holy Spirit. Wee are Witnesses this day y l this 
worke is finished, and in Finishinge, and God is Tabernacleioge in men, 
and the Gosple of peace is preached againe, and y e uoice vttered in y e 
holy city is, peace w th God, good will towards all men. And Therfor 
this is our Testimony to all people ; That y e Kingdome of our Lord 
Jesus Christ is comne near in vs, and wee brought near in measure to 
god in it, being reconciled therin to God, walkinge in y e light w th him 

1 William Dewsbury (1621-1688) became a Quaker under the influence of 
George Fox's preaching. He wrote and published much between the years 
1654 and 1686, and suffered imprisonment no less than nineteen years for the 
sake of his religion. 

1909.] QUAKER PROTESTS, 1659-1675. 379 

in vnity, where our fellowshipe one w th another is, and the blood of 
Jesus Christ sprinkleth our consciences daily, and preserueth vs from 
dead works that wee serue our God (euen y e Liueing god) in newness 
of life ; And in this his peacable kingdom wee Hue ; where strife, enuy, 
prid, coueteousness are not ; Fightings, killinge, blood sheed, murther 
w th Carnall Weapons, rendering euill, for euill, are not; reuenge, 
robbinge for conscience sake, watching w th guns or swords to kill y e 
bodys of men tho' enimies. offendinge or defendinge w th Carnall 
weapons of what sort soe euer to preserue at liberty body or estate, 
are not ; for all these things are in y e darkness, Satans Kingdome, w ch 
already is past, and ended ; And Humility, Charity, brotherly Kind- 
ness, peace and loue, are ; Faith, hope, watching for the good of all, 
and good will toward all both frinds and enimies, are ; Wisdom, and 
life eternall, w th y e peacable fruits of righteousness are, by all of us 
posest who walke in y e Light, and are led by god's spirit in obedience 
to Christ Jesus our Lord and Kinge ; In whom we haue belieued to y e 
Saluation of our Soules, and by whom wee haue been keept and 
preserued cleane and liueing to God in many great tryalls Inwardly 
and outwardly, and through whose power we hope to be vpheld to y e 
end Liueinge, and true wittnesses to y e Life of Innocency (to the 
gosple And Kingdome of peace, and christ Jesus the Prince of Peace ; 
but against y e murtheringe hurtfull spirit, blood sheed, warrs outward, 
killinge men or women God's workemanshipe, Death, and him w ch hath 
y e power therof the Deuill) and in the end lye downe our heads w th 
God enjoyinge y e fullness of peace in his blessed presence for euer and 

21y. Our Testimony is, That this kingdome of Christ (who is our 
Lord and Saviour) is not of this world, for if ; we his seruants could 
w th carnall wepons fight ; But tis of another world, where peace and 
righteousness dwells for euer more ; Soe y* wee his seruants cannot w th 
Sword, gun, or any Carnall weapons fight, or make use thierof to hurt 
or kill y e bodys of our enimies ; or defend our bodys their w th from our 
enimies, but in obedience to Christ our master keepe his comands (Loue 
enimies. Bless them y* curs you. Put thy sword up into the Sheath. 
Doe good to them y t hate you. Pray for them y t despitefully vse you 
and persecute you) and waite in the faith w ch Layes hould of eternall 
life to outliue all cruelty through sufferinge ; That as wee are redeemed 
out of y e kingdome and spirit of this world (where the Marriage of the 
Heauenly Image is, and the killinge or destroying of men and women 
his creatures) and made pertakers of righteousness and truth in the 
kingdome of God, we follow christ our Lord (who left us an example) 
and Drinke patiently y f Cup w ch God our father giueth us ; and tho' 
the hearts of all people are in the hand of him in whom we haue 
belieued, who is both God and Christ; and that he can change them 


as pleasetb him, wee know ; yet wee say his will be done. And If he 
permitt y e Heathen, and them w ch feare not his name to come forth 
against us, and outwardly spoil us, yet w th any carnall weapons wee may 
not them resist, nor put confidence in the arme of flesh ; but in the faith 
and patience of our God stand in true loue to him and his workman- 
ship; and w l h him, in his kingdome inwardly reigne, and perfect our 
Dominion ouer destruction and death through sufferinge ; And soe be 
to y e Honour of God, his way Truth, and name, that 's Holy and perfect 
for euer ; To y e encourageing of those y* shall liue up hereafter to God 
in christ Jesus, and to y c glory and renowne of y* preuailing loue and 
power of God, w ch compassed our spirits and bore vp our mindes ouer 
the Feare of Sufferinge or death, Through w ch obteineinge y* crowne of 
Immortall Life. 

Lastly our Testimony is, Christ Jesus y e Prince of Peace, is in this 
his kingdome, That 's not of this world, Ruleing ouer all y e Children of 
peace, and Leads them in and out of the way of Peace, whear they 
worke y e workes of God in Peace and receiue y e rewards of peace ; 
Dwellinge w th him in his Peacable kingdome, and one w th another in 
unity and Peace. And that who euer hath knowne Christ y e True 
Light, and by faith receiued him y e Prince of Peace in their hearts, and 
followed him and Dwelt w th him in the Light y e way and couenant of 
peace ; Whear Prid, Enuy, Fightings, and warrs w ch ariseth from y e 
Lust, hath been subdued and ouercome ; yet not w th standinge goe out 
into y e darke Spirit of this world againe, and lust after y e vse of Carnall 
weapons in the kingdome of Contention and Strife, (as gunns swords 
etc. to defend their owne or others bodys, Hues, or estates, by threat- 
ninge to wound or kill, or by woundinge, or killinge y e bodyes of their 
enimies) or make Lawes, or grant forth writtings, thereby to Rob, 
Spoil, or Imprison any, that out of conscience God wards cannot make 
vse of Carnall weapons, for their owne or others safety, but truly relyes 
by faith in Gods Promise, and Prayer to God in faith, for their owne 
and others Preseruation, through turninge the hearts of their enimies 
from such wickedness by his eternall Power : Or* Justifie or Incourage, 
by word or practise, killinge, Bloodsheed, use of Carnall weapons to 
preserue Life by takeinge away life and warrs outward either offensiue 
or defensiue ; or plead for or Liue in that faith w ch stands in Carnall 
weapons, or the Arme of flesh, or the unrighteous liberty, wherein they 
wound their owne soules, and make sad many hearts which God maketh 
not sad, and pierce in themselves afresh y e Righteous Life ; Wee declare 
all such workes haue been and are against Christ y e truth, his Kingdom 
of peace and people, out of the Light and way of Peace, wrought in 
darkness, and Brought forth rfc the world where wickedness abounds 
through y e Lust of y e flesh, the lust of the eye, and the Pride of life ; 
and w th the light wee see them condemnable by the Law of Righteous- 


ness, and Judged by Christ our Lord y e righteouse and impartiall Judge, 
and are by us denyed : And further signified to all People y e christ 
y e Prince of Peace, his Truth, name, kingdom, and Sanctuary, are 
cleare of all these workes, and all other what soeuer, w ch arise out and 
from y l darke kingdome and spirit of Antichrist ; And wee his People 
disowne such practises and works, and condemns y* Spirit w ch hath or 
may lead there into, And in the peacable Truth we stand wittnesses 
for God, his Truth, name, kingdom, and Sanctuary, and hopes in Inno- 
cency and true love to be preserued towards all both friends andenimies, 
and in the Holy righteous euerblessed life shine forth more and more 
to Gods Eternall Prayse ; who is ouer Heaven and Earth God blessed 
for euer more. 

From our Mans Meeting (on Rlioad Island) 
att Joshua Coggeshall's : y e day aboue dated. 1 

Mr. Ford submitted a series of letters which passed between 
George Bancroft and Martin Van Buren: 

The following correspondence is drawn from two sources, — 
the Library of Congress, for Bancroft's letters, and the Ban- 
croft Papers in the Massachusetts Historical Society, for Van 
Buren's letters. They form a complete series so far as can be 
obtained from those two collections. Their value lies in the 
picture they give of Massachusetts politics, the hopes and the 
agencies of the Democratic party, and in the free and hostile 
criticism of Webster, then at the height of his influence. Of 
interest, too, is the invitation to prepare a campaign life of 
Van Buren, which was passed on to Bancroft, and was actually 
in type in the summer of 1844, when the defeat of Van Buren 
in convention made its publication inexpedient. Forty-five 
years after, Bancroft published the work, which added nothing 
to his reputation as an historian, and was not as illuminative 
on his position as a politician as the letters now printed. 

Bancroft to Van Buren. 

Northampton, Mass., January 10, 1830 
Dear Sir, — The very limited degree in which I have been hon- 
ored with opportunities of being known to you, would hardly justify me 
in requesting the benefit of an introduction to you for my friend and 
brother in law, Mr Dwight, were it not that I wished to ask your ac- 
ceptance of a little tract, which I have written on the great question of 

1 From the Winthrop Papers, 17, fol. 16. 


the U. S. Bank. The three last lines of the article, I pray you not to 
attribute to me. They were added by another without my consent or 
knowledge. The article was written last summer ; but the N. A. Review 
[xxxii. 21] could not find room for it till now; and I preferred that 
very respectable journal for the medium of communicating with the 

I did not fail to perceive the decision with which the Presidential 
Message in December still continued to view the subject. The U. S., 
it should seem, have no favors to bestow, no privileges to sell, no exclu- 
sive powers to confer. Nothing can be plainer, than that a bank of 
circulation was not intended by the constitution ; nothing can be plainer, 
than that the present U. S. Bank corporation, acting under a charter 
that confers an exclusive privilege, and gives them the range of the 
whole country for their operations, possess advantages wholly at vari- 
ance with the rights of all other capitalists, with the clearest dictates 
of justice, and with the rights to free competition, which ought to be 
held supremely sacred in a land of equal liberty. 

I intend in the course of the summer to prepare a further argument 
in defence of the ground, generally taken by the Government in this 
question. It would be eminently gratifying to me, if what I have 
written should seem correctly argued. 

Excuse the liberty I take in presenting to you Mr. Dwight. His 
connections, personal qualities, and prospects are such as may justify- 
any friendly notice, you may be willing to show him. Very respectfully. 

Bancroft to Van Buren. 

Northampton, Massachusetts, 

Nov. 17, 1834 

Dear Sir, — After having, for several years, been engaged in col- 
lecting materials, I ventured during the last summer to publish a first 
volume of a history of the United States, which has been so fortunate 
as to win for my undertaking the favorable wishes of the public. May 
I hope that you will find time to take a little interest in my pursuits? 
My object in addressing you at this time is, to request you would do 
me the favor to accept a copy of my work, and inform me to what place 
I may forward the volume for you. 

The second volume which I am now preparing, will contain the early 
history of your native state. I find it so rich in singular incidents, so 
full of variety, so striking in its details, that I shall hope to gain the 
suffrages of the descendants of the pilgrims from Holland, and repre- 
sent the vicissitudes of their fortunes under a form, which Knicker- 
bocker himself must respect. 

If the late newspapers of Massachusetts have fallen under your eye, 
1 will not believe that your regard for me will be diminished by the 


excessive invectives, which have been directed against me. During the 
late contest, though I was not myself before the public as a candidate 
for office, I have been attacked with unmeasured severity by the self- 
styled Whig papers. My crime consisted in refusing to calumniate the 
present administration, and in asserting to the people of Massachusetts, 
that the Whig party is making an insidious attempt to win political 
power through the influence of wealth and against the rights of the 
people. My attempt to awaken the spirit of democracy among the hills 
of our part of New England was not wholly unsuccessful. 1 The vote 
for a Democratic member of Congress in this district was more than 
doubled, was increased by more than a thousand votes. We border on 
Connecticut ; and the courage displayed in our quarter descends the 
river, and is not without an effect in that state. With sentiments of 
the highest respect, yours. 

Bancroft to Van Buren. 

Springfield, 2 Massachusetts, Nov. 16, 1837. 

My dear Sir, — The Democracy of Hampden has done well, 
though it has sustained a partial defeat. To the House we send twelve 
Democrats to eleven Whigs. The Senators we have lost by a small 
majority. The vote polled by our friends exceeded by about a thousand 
the vote polled in 1834. Under every difficulty we have this year 
increased two hundred and fifty in number. But the Panic, money, 
a hundred orators, champaign, and unexampled efforts gave the Whigs 
a still larger vote. Our vote was 2685 in this little county. More 
than six hundred more than the vote in Boston. 

For me the result is fortunate. To have been alone in the Senate 
would have demanded of me a useless waste of life and strength. 

I write for two purposes : one to express my belief that the 
Democratic party cannot within two years gain the ascendancy in 

1 Van Buren replied, December 10, 1834 : " I have, as you suppose, observed 
the attacks which have been made upon you by the newspapers. This has ever 
been, and will be, the fate of every sincere friend of liberal principles who avows 
his sentiments with the freedom and sustains them with the ability that you have 
done. But you have this to console you, that the people are just, intelligent and 
firm ; and that our political annals are not yet stained with a single instance in 
which the people have without cause abandoned a sincere friend or a faithful 
public servant." 

Again, on August 17, 1836, Van Buren wrote: "I beg you to accept my un- 
feigned thanks for your goodness in sending me a copy of your oration. I think 
it better than any thing I have ever before seen upon the subject. If your 
Yankee brethren are proof against such assaults, they are un teachable, and 
doomed to the darkness of blindness forever. But I have no such apprehensions." 
The oration was delivered July 4, before the Democracy of Springfield. A copy 
iB in the Society's collection. 

2 He had removed to Springfield in 1834. 


Massachusetts. I had hoped that it would. If the rest of the State 
stood like Hampden, we could do it next year. But the rout on the 
seaboard has been complete. The other point is, to renew my 
expression of confidence in the Message. Had you identified yourself 
nationally with the pet-bank system, I believe the overthrow in the 
nation would have resembled the defeat in New York. As it is, truth 
and honor are with us at any rate, and if a majority compels a retreat 
upon a system of special deposits, it will have to bear the responsibility 
of it. 

I have an unshaken conviction, that your administration will be 
triumphantly sustained. The Whigs cannot bear success : they will 
inevitably divide, so soon as their hopes and passions are excited. 
Besides : there will be a clear majority against them all. Were it 
otherwise, as a supporter of the administration, I have that confidence 
in its course, that my mind is perfectly at ease, and in the darkest 
moment I shall be proud to be counted amongst its unfaltering friends. 
With highest respect and regards. 

I took the liberty to ask Judge [Marcus] Morton to write you on 
Massachusetts politics, confident you would excuse me for doing it. 


Whereas this Committee are informed that George Bancroft, Esquire, 
has been appointed by the President, collector of the Port of Boston 
and Charlestown ; 

Resolved, that the Selection of Mr. Bancroft by the President for the 
high and responsible office of Collector of this Port, meets our cordial 
approbation : being confident that he will perform the duties appertain- 
ing to that office in a manner that will reflect honor upon himself, and 
prove, in all respects, satisfactory to the Government and the Public. 

Resolved, that this Committee entertain the most sincere respect and 
consideration for the Political and Personal Character of Mr. Bancroft, 
whose eminent ability, boldness and integrity, have secured for him an 
enduring reputation, and justly entitle him to the distinguished regard 
of the National Executive. 

Resolved, that the Secretary be directed to communicate to the 
President a copy of these resolutions, and also a copy to Mr. Bancroft, 
and to assure the latter gentleman, that this Committee, collectively 
and individually, are singuiarily (sic) gratified by his appointment, and 
bid him a cordial welcome as a fellow citizen of Boston. 

In Suffolk democratic County Committee, Boston, January 15, 1838. 
The foregoing resolutions were offered by the Secretary, and unani- 
mously passed. 

Seth J. Thomas, Secretary, Peter Dunbar, Chairman. 


Bancroft to Van Buren. 

Boston, March 26, 1839. 

My dear Sir, — In the English " Eclectic Review " for last Feb- 
ruary, published in London, I find a passage so explicit on the subject 
of the North Eastern Boundary, that I thought it worth copying to 
send you. The whole article from which it is extracted, breathes the 
most friendly spirit towards us. 

Every body here is fully impressed with a right sense of the dignity 
and calmness of the administration at this time. If you succeed in 
bringing England to a sense of justice and succeed also in the great 
measure of the Independence of the Treasury, you will have done 
what was never done before, have gained a victory over the pride of 
Great Britain, and a victory over the, hitherto, invincible city train- 
bands. The meaning of both is deeper than it seems. 

Perhaps it is worth adding, that Ebeling, a German, and author of 
the best Geography of the Northern United States, asserts distinctly, 
that " the highlands " of the treaty are to be sought north of the St. 
John's ; and adds that our right to the region to which he minutely 
refers, is undoubted. Ebeling is an author of that high character for 
good judgment and accurate investigation, that his name is worth 
citing among other early expositions. His opinion would sway public 
opinion in Germany, and might be worthy of a place even in a 
diplomatic paper. With highest respect, ever very truly yours. 

Van Buren to Bancroft. 

Washington, March 18, 1840. 

My dear Sir, — I return you many thanks for the copies of your 
very able address at Hartford, and for the encouragement you hold out 
for Connecticut. We may not quite succeed, but an improvement will 
be highly beneficial. The accounts we receive from every part of the 
Union are truly flattering, and leave us without apprehension. To no 
quarter of the Union is the public attention turned with more interest 
than to yours. So much has been done, I may say unexpectedly done, 
and by means so gratifying to the patriot and so honourable to the 
Democracy that there is an intense and all prevailing solicitude for your 
complete success. I confess to you that I believe in it, although such 
is not the prevailing sentiment. I sent you a copy of the message, 
which was I believe on board of the ill-fated Lexington. 

The enclosed note from Mr. Petrikin, a straight forward, hard headed, 
and uncompromising Democratic member from Penn. may amuse you. 
Let me hear from you as often as is convenient, and believe me to be &c. 



[Enclosure.] House op Reps. 

19 March, 1840. 

David Petrikin returns to the President the address of George Ban- 
croft Esq. with D. P. ? s thanks for the loan. Although Mr. Bancroft 
is correct as to his general premiss and doctrine, yet D. P. thinks that 
he has in the warmth of his enthusiasm forgotten that the " fraction of 
wealth " now rules direct or indirectly almost every State in the Union, 
witness Mississippi and Penn a . and D. P. fears that the same fraction of 
wealth has a preponderating influence in the U. S. Congress at its 
present session. 

Bancroft to Van Buren. 

Boston, November 2, 1840 

My dear Sir, — Since I left Washington, I have not till yesterday 
known one moments leisure. Convinced that the financial policy you 
have introduced is right in theory and wise as a practical measure, I 
have taken to myself the right belonging to me as a native of Massachu- 
setts to exercise every freedom I inherit, every power I have received 
of God, in vindicating what seems to me the cause of humanity. In 
midsummer I proposed to my friends here, that I should resign the 
commission which I hold from you. They unanimously opposed it. 
To offer a resignation which was not to have been insisted upon, ap- 
peared to me not proper ; because of a regard for the fidelity with which 
I have administered my office, had induced you to have preferred my 
continuance in office, it would have involved you in my decision. I 
thought it better not to trouble. 

Were it only impossible to carry Massachusetts we would do it. Our 
party has conducted admirably : the contest has been earnest : and we 
have met them at every point. In our counties in the aggregate, ex- 
cepting Middlesex and Worcester, we shall do well. In those two we 
shall lose. The test vote here is, by the nature of the contest, on the 
vote for Governor : and I retain the opinion which I expressed in 
Washington, that neither party will have a large majority. I do not 
like to think, still less to write, that there may be a majority against us 
of two thousand. Our opponents count on ten thousand, and they are 
doomed to disappointment. As compared with the elections of 1836, 
Massachusetts will do better than any state north of Potomac. 

Our accounts from Maine authorize confidence, that the result there 
today is entirely safe. Every thing has been done, that could have 
been, and I believe with success. 

I cannot help believing that this Presidential contest will end like the 
Bunker Hill Procession here, which began its course exultingly in the 
sunshine, and was just at the last moment, scattered by the worst South 
East flash ever known. It turns on New York. Now I have ever 
believed, that on the naked question of the Presidential election, our 


opponents have never any year been able to command the vote against 
you. Mixed questions have given them their temporary success. The 
public mind in New York was confused, in part by the fault of friends. 

For your own permanent reputation a defeat would be no disaster. 
A want of success would at this moment be more surprising than suc- 
cess, and would fix the attention of the world upon the result with an 
intentness, that would not rest satisfied with any thing less than a full 
solution of the mystery. But I still believe you are not destined to that 
highest glory of doing right and suffering for it eminently. I still be- 
lieve, that in the great procession of states today, the great majority will 
be glorious company, vindicate the honesty of commercial contracts, the 
purity of the ballot box, and the independence of the Government. 

The course of Mr. Webster has been singularly reckless. He re- 
turned from England wretchedly poor, although he made in England 
judicious sales of Western Lands. This I know from a private and 
authentic source. And from the Barings he received not £1000 merely, 
but four times that sum, nearly $20,000. This was, however, like- 
wise told me privately, but from an authentic source. Coming home 
here, after Congress, he was imploring Bank discounts : in utter wretch- 
edness, he declared he had not a friend to look to for pecuniary aid. 
Then rousing himself, he made a headlong and desperate plunge into the 
midst of the brawl and strife of politics, and has stopped at nothing. But 
here, in Massachusetts, he has accomplished nothing ; has not swayed a 
vote. If we are defeated, it will come from other causes, of which he 
has been perforce increasing the efficacy. He is like a desponding game- 
ster, who sets his all on one throw. When he has lost, I think he will 
find the fruit at which he has clutched, turn to bitterness and ashes. 

For myself, after a half year's labor greater than I ever endured, I 
find my health admirable. The activity has been happiness, for my 
mind was at peace ; and he that is in harmony with himself, can endure 
all fatigue. I have grown strong under it, in physical force and in 

After our elections I shall hope an opportunity of writing again ; 
confiding in the over ruling Providence of God, that our liberties are 
not endangered and subverted ; but that the people will triumph over 
fraud, as in past time they have triumphed over the monied interest. 
The contest is a glorious one. From the close sympathy of all civi- 
lized nations, it is emphatically not a national struggle only, but a 
struggle of the concentrated power of the business classes of the world, 
against the freedom and happiness of the whole people. I thank God 
he has given me courage to do what seemed my duty without fear of 
consequences ; and I look forward to the decision, anxious for the 
country and the cause of popular power. In any event your own 
fame is safe. With affectionate respect. 


Van Buren to Bancroft. 

[November 20, 1840.] 

My dear Sir, — Your most acceptable letter comes this morning 
to gratify me certainly, but I regret to be obliged to add, to reproach 
me also for not having before this acknowledged a former favor, of 
equal value. I wish I had time to write you a long letter, but I have 
not. Will you be content with my saying, and I do so with perfect 
sincerity, that the feelings you have expressed in regard to recent 
events are precisely those which spontaneously arose, and have found 
an abiding place in my own breast. If the Whigs expect to make 
me unhappy by the success of their fraudulent practices, or even to put 
me to the trouble of complaining about them, they are destined to a 
total disappointment. That they have thought my removal from the 
Government of sufficient importance to justify the commission of so 
great a crime as the defrauding of a nation of its free choice, and to 
hazard the remorse which must follow it, as certainly as the night 
follows the day, is a compliment to my political principles, of infinitely 
greater value to me, than the spoils of victory can possibly be to them. 

Be assured, my dear Sir, that my feelings and views under the 
result are precisely those which intelligent and patriotic friends like 
yourself would desire that they should be. 

I amuse myself with reflecting on the complacency with which you 
cannot but regard the anxiety of your enemies for your removal, and 
the parade they design to make about it. I am sure your only appre- 
hension is, that [they] will fail in making the act as conspicuous as they 
threaten to do. 

I see that neither you nor our friends generally do yet embrace 
fully the means by which the election has been carried against them. 
Be assured that the effect produced upon the democracy, either by the 
condition of the times, or the misrepresentations of the adversary, have 
not been as great as is generally supposed. The means were of a more 
certain character, and will one day be as fully understood and appreci- 
ated, as the elections of 1838 in N. York, and in Ingersoll's District 1 
are now. All that was necessary to make a system used with success 
in a ward or city applicable to the Union was money, men and 
time. . . . 

Bancroft to Van Buren. 

Boston, December 3, 1840. 

My dear Sir, — ■ As early in the next year as I can arrange my 
affairs, it is necessary for me to embark for Europe. I am, therefore, 
compelled to resign my commission as collector of the Customs. I 

1 In Philadelphia. 


shall be in Washington before the 20th ; when, if it should seem to you 
desirable, I will explain all that I know as to the fittest manner of 
filling the Vacancy. Meantime it is perhaps best, that my purpose 
should not be generally known : in a few days I will address an official 
letter to the Secretary of the Treasury, 

The course which I adopt is sanctioned by those of my political 
friends whom you would wish me to consult. They at first doubted : but 
on hearing my reasons, not only assent but applaud. They think a 
short absence would be well in every respect: My great reason lies 
in the obligation I am under to consult the archives of England and 
France. To this end I shall hope your aid ; at Paris I shall do well 
enough ; for there, brother historians and men with whom I have some 
relation, are in power ; as passports to England I may be obliged to 
trespass on your goodness for a few letters. 

As far as the last political campaign is concerned, my mind is en- 
tirely at peace. I thank God I did all I could to prevent the issue, 
so disastrous to the country. " The sober second thought " of the 
people will yet be heard. 

We all look with intensest interest for the Message. It will be the 
common manifesto to our own people and to the world. Your position is 
a noble one : if the Sub-Treasury is maintained, it stands the monument 
of victory in the greatest political struggle ever held ; if it should be 
repealed, its repeal will be followed by a flood of calamities, which will 
render a just verdict of the people absolutely certain. If it be repealed 
and if the small note system shall prevail generally, our banking system 
will work its own total overthrow and defeat. 

You will be glad to know, that in the midst of party virulence, the 
success of my book is very great : and I have a sort of pride in it too, 
for I have not courted favor. In this third volume, there is not a note 
or a preface ; for I would not pay tributes to contemporary merit among 
my brother men of letters, as some do ; lest I should seem to entreat 
forbearance. I seek no compromise with malice. With affectionate 

Bancroft to Van Buren. 

Boston, Feb. 23, 1841. 

My dear Sir, — - 1 have a great favor to ask of you. Our oppo- 
nents intend to dismiss me from office forthwith; to which I make no 
objection. They will say, it is because I am a scholar and as such 
unsuited for the place. 

The treasury officers can tell you, that while my predecessors have 
left in the office bonds in suit and unpaid to the amount of about 
$400,000, there is not one single bond taken by me in suit ; not one. I 
have collected over ten millions of revenue, and without any loss to the 


government except of $2100, remitted by Mr. Woodbury as he had 
power to do. I shall not hand over to my successor, one single bad 
bond, nor is there one bond of my taking in suit. Such a result is 
unheard of in this port, or in any other of a large size. It never 
occurred before to any collector here. 

I beg you further to inquire as to the promptness with which I render 
my accounts. I am not content you should learn that I have rendered 
them promptly : I wish it known to you, that I have rendered them 
with unprecedented promptness, have myself introduced improvements 
in this branch, and that by the nature of the case, the promptness I 
have shown cannot be exceeded. 

I beg you further to ask, if I have kept my accounts satisfactorily. 
I wish the fact to appear, that between me and the accompanying offi- 
cers there is not a six pence in dispute. 

I beg you further to ask : if I have attended to instructions promptly 
and exactly ; so as to assure the increasing confidence of the 

The light houses in my district are in excellent order and greatly 
improved in [illegible] by the particular attention I have given them. 

Having been assured of these facts, I will beg of you to address me 
a letter officially, or to direct the Secretary to do so for you, repeating 
these matters one by one ; and expressing your satisfaction, if you feel 
it, in the effective success with which I have conducted the affairs you 
entrusted to me. This I need, and I hope you will think it right for 
me to have it. 

To that end I have this day sent you an official request or rather 
opened an avenue through the Secretary of the Treasury. 

Mrs. Bancroft joins me in every wish for your welfare and happiness. 
I am ever faithfully, with highest respect and regard. 

Bancroft to Van Buren. 

Boston, June 17, 1841. 
My dear Sir, — The Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries at 
Copenhagen is busily engaged in proving New England to have been 
colonized eight centuries ago by men from Iceland. To this end, they 
have turned the scratches made by our Indians upon a rock at Dighton, 
into a first rate Runic description. Near Newport, R. I. there are the 
remains of an old stone wind-mill, afterwards used as a hay-magazine ; 
(for so the antiquarians dignify a barn). This old stone windmill is 
now found to have a very decided Runic Character, and the parcel I 
forward, does, I suppose, give a picture of it, and demonstrate its sur- 
prising resemblance to Westerwik Church and the Crypt in Wiborg. 
Humbugs are in vogue, both in politics and in letters. 


Mrs. Bancroft is much obliged by your kind remembrances and 
desires her best regards. I am plodding on very quietly ; but am by 
no means an indifferent spectator of passing events. With affectionate 
respect, faithfully yours. 

Bancroft to Van Buren. 

Boston, Feb. 21, 1842 
My dear Sir, — I received with greatest pleasure your favor that 
came to me yesterday. You do me no more than justice in putting 
trust in the sincerity of my regard. 

I enclose the document x as you desired : yet uncertain, if it do not 
find you already on the wing. Wishing you all happiness and honor, 
Faithfully yours. 

Webster will not resign, I think. He may be driven from the 
Cabinet: he will not go of himself. Tyler wished him to go last 
summer. I hope the world is convinced of his chastity, now that he 
has made oath to it before a justice of the peace. All English annals 
show nothing so humiliating. Webster will brave everything to remain 
in the Cabinet. At least, so I reason. I mean I think, he will brave 
Clay, rather than quit the Cabinet. Besides other motives, he loves 
office. Having been without it all his life, he has a fondness for it, of 
which you can have no conception. 

Bancroft to Van Bdren. 

Boston, Sept. 28, 1842. 
Dear Sir, — I cannot forego any longer my right of expressing to 
you the greatest satisfaction, we, under my roof, derive from the 
frequent accounts we get of your health and happiness. I followed 

1 " Irish repeal letter " is Van Buren's endorsement. In January, 1842, Van 
Buren had sent to Bancroft a letter from Messrs. Clinton and Murphy, describing 
themselves as Editors of the New England Reporter and Catholic Diary, and 
asking his opinion on the Irish repeal question. Of Webster, Van Buren had 
written : 

"The circumstance to which you have alluded is verj r discreditable to Mr. 
Webster. What must foreigners think of the integrity of our public men when 
they find them so lost to all proper delicacy 1 What confidence can the 
American people have in negotiations carried on with Lord Ashburton under 
such circumstances ? My belief (without having any information on the subject) 
is that Mr. Clay's friends are pickling a rod for Mr. W., the application of which 
he will avoid by leaving the Cabinet. I know the strong inducements he has to 
hold on, but his fears will predominate. See if I am not right. The opposition 
of Mr. Clay in the Senate to the present passage of the resolution calling for the 
proceedings, etc. of the Custom House Commissioners, after a similar Resolution 
had been introduced into the House by one of his own friends, together with my 
knowledge of the character and disposition of the parties are the principal 
grounds of my inference." 


you with my mind's eye in all your journey, 1 and was delighted with 
the bursts of hospitality that broke upon you every where, and equally 
with the rare felicity of expression with which you received them. 
The summer has been a period of more intrigue in politics than I 
remember ever to have known ; and autumn, as it comes, is fast show- 
ing the futility of it all. For a moment the friends of Mr. Calhoun 
nourished the hope of finding some countenance for his pretensions in 
New England ; but Father Niles 2 was on guard in Connecticut, and 
kept the frontier. Here for a season there was a little attempt from a 
man of restless ambition to gain some foothold : lately too, from another 
quarter intimations came of the promised favors of Mr. Tyler, if one of 
our papers could be purchased. This too was easily set aside. The 
real purpose and hope were, by creating a division in Boston to act 
upon New Hampshire and Maine. Some even, whose debt of gratitude 
and forbearance should have bound them to you indissolubly, were for 
a season lukewarm and silent. The effect was opposite to their design. 
It roused your friends to action ; and while we, the Massachusetts 
Democracy, a poor minority as yet, have as a party but one opinion, 
I am glad to be able to believe, that in no state of the union are the 
people more firmly attached to you than in the very state of Maine, to 
which those less friendly to you had been looking. I now believe that 
New England will appear in convention with but one opinion. Mr. 
Calhoun, whose gigantic abilities I revere, but whose democracy I 
doubt, has friends alert enough among the few : the people do not 
know him. With all efforts that may be made he will every hour 
henceforward, grow weak before the people. 

Boston is on tiptoe to hear Mr. Webster next Friday. 3 He came 
home undecided. His keeping his own counsel means merely, that he 
was beset by conflicting motives. The unwonted display on his part of 
a will of his own is an apparent display only. Opposite motives beset 
him ; but I think in his speech he will omit to sustain Clay, will sustain 
Davis not very heartily, will glorify himself very much on the treaty, 
will treat Tyler respectfully, and will not resign. 4 To the last course, 
that is, to retaining his place in the cabinet, he is driven by his ambi- 

i To the West and South. 

2 John M. Niles, of Hartford, Connecticut. 

3 At Faneuil Hall, September 30. The address is in his " Works," ii. 109. 

4 In his reply, dated October 9, Van Buren said : " There was but one mistake 
in your anticipations of the character of Mr. W's speech, and that I expected. 
I do not believe that he and D. have been sincere friends for ten years, in conse- 
quence of an anticipation on his part, that he [D.] would at some time be used by 
Mr. Clay to prostrate him [W.]. The speech has disappointed me, and if the 
author stands his ground, that is, if he does not take office out of the country, 
and out of the present reach of his rival, it cannot fail to place his character upon 
a better foundation than it has hitherto occupied." 


tiou and his necessities. First his ambition. He still nourishes the 
hope of being President, esteems himself the fittest man for the station, 
and believes that a middling party will yet drive Clay from the field, 
and bring the Whig party under his banners. Strange delusion : when 
even his own state dreams of no such futurity ! But the delusion exists 
Then his necessities leave him not a free agent. He has a house and 
furniture in Washington ; his son and kindred in office ; himself with 
a salary. The manufacturers no longer accept his drafts : the other 
day one was dishonored: his professional career is ended. Wretched 
poverty with a great name is hard to be looked in the face, especially 
when accompanied with disappointed ambition. Hence he does not so 
much dare, as is rather compelled to face and oppose the extreme right 
of the Whig party. 

It is an ill wind that blows no good ! Webster's course impedes 
the movements of the Whigs of Massachusetts : their hurrahs die 
away without an echo. Our party had the other day the greatest 
convention ever known by the Democracy. The convention carefully 
shunned all nominations except for the State; but to show its wish, 
insisted I should take the helm at the head of the State committee, 
now most efficiently organized. This puts within my view the feelings 
of the people ; and I never knew an election open so favorably. I 
will not say we shall elect Morton ; but, unless affairs change their 
aspect, we may elect him, or their may be no choice. At any rate, it 
will show the Union, that Mr. Clay's name gives no new confidence or 
strength to the Whigs of Massachusetts. 

But it is the election in New York which is to be the star of promise, 
beaming over the clouds. 

During the summer we were charmed with the opportunity of seeing 
one of your sons with his bride ; and had hoped Nahant would have 
attracted them again. I held myself fortunate, also, in seeing them 
again at Albany, and in seeing though but for a few moments, the 
family of Mr. J. V. B. 1 Ever with affectionate respect. 

The treaty is not generally unpopular here ; in Maine it is unpopu- 
lar. The British, as I know, are astonished at the extent of Lord 
Ashburton's success. The threats of war were ridiculous : England 
intended to get her road if she could, but in every event to shun a 

Van Buren to Bancroft. 

Lindenwald, Nov. 21, 1842. 
My dear Sir, — I must congratulate, most sincerely and cordially, 
on the brilliant triumph of the Democracy in the old Bay State. " Mr. 

1 John Van Buren. 


Butler's Presbyterians," * as you once called them, begin to give way, 
and its time they did. They would have lost their character with man- 
kind for sagacity and strong common sense, hitherto so distinguished, 
if they were to suffer themselves to be humbugged much longer by the 
fooleries with which the Whigs have for the last few years, sought to 
retain their confidence. You may not acquire the actual power of the 
State this year, although your chances for that are not bad, but you 
have secured what you cannot lose in the coming election, an expression 
which marks your party as the true representative, moral and political, 
of old Massachusetts. . . . 

Bancroft to Van Buren. 

Boston, Nov. 23, 1842. 

Dear Sir, — I enclose on the instant the letters of Throop and Davis. 
I do not give full credit to the statements made by Davis : he seems to 
me to have a tinge of jealousy, such as I have seen a good deal of. 

Some weeks ago I got a long message from Cass through Niles of 
Sardinian memory. The substance was the most extravagant exagger- 
ation of my influence : what infinite advantage to me to have Cass for 
my friend ; and accordingly he proposed to me to take upon myself the 
preparation of a grand reception. I have mentioned this to no one, but 
now to you. I threw out a word about Cass to Davezac. 2 This com- 
munication from Niles was addressed to a very firm personal friend of 
mine, and was plainly written at Cass's suggestion or with his knowl- 
edge. My mind was instantly made up. I have often given my friends 
a letter of introduction to him ; I owe him courtesies ; I shall call upon 
him ; perhaps invite him to dine privately at my own house. But no 
more. If he has censured the treaty, he has damned himself in the 
beginning ; for here his friends are the Webster Whigs. They have 
long been teazing us here to say something in praise of Cass. Of the 
Whigs here, many have long had their eye on Cass. He can be no 
more than the Federal candidate ; and that Clay and Scott and perhaps 
Webster will forbid. With the Democracy he will find no favor. 

I do not believe Pennsylvania is as Davis says. The politicians are, 
the people, I am sure, are with you. Our Massachusetts election has 
had and will have good results. It consolidates New England. I took 
Woodbury 3 into my house as my guest, made for him the best possible 
opportunity for a public speech, and talked with him in private with 
real friendship and with openness. He saw the force of what I said to 

1 A phrase, probably, of Benjamin F. Butler, of New York. 

2 A. Davezac, a political protege of Jackson. 

3 Levi Woodbury, like Cass, was seeking a nomination for the Presidency, and 
had now fallen under the suspicion of the true, or Van Buren Democracy. 


him. He loves himself most : he despises Cass : and I believe he and 
N. H. and Maine, in due time, will have one voice with Mass. and 
Connecticut. I have no fears. The more candidates, the more cer- 
tainly the party will concentrate on you. 

We did a world of work in Massachusetts. Davezac did well at our 
small meetings : but broke down at Faneuil Hall. Woodbury was un- 
exceptionably [thoughtful] x of us in this State, spoke every night. We 
are unremitting in our efforts for next Monday, and the chance is with, 
us. Well I have written so ; but though I say so to you, I dare not yet 
confess it to myself. What a scene would it be in Massachusetts ! A 
governor addressing a Democratic Legislature ! I dare not think of 
it : I hope to see it. 

I send this hasty scrawl, because I think its enclosures should be out 
of your hands as short a time as possible. With affectionate respect. 

Bancroft to Van Buren. 

Boston, Dec. 9, 1842. 

My dear Sir, — We have, indeed, achieved the impossible. The 
Senate at its organization will be sixteen to ten ; the house, if law and 
justice are heeded, nay if they are disregarded by our opponents, will 
be one hundred and seventy-seven Democrats to one hundred and 
seventy-five Whigs. I do not know why we may not expect as many 
Whigs to break their legs or be buried up in snow storms, as of our 
friends : yet out of so great a number, so nicely balanced, the choice of 
Speaker will be affected by accidents ; and I dare not predict the result. 
On joint ballot, we have an undenied majority, and this must give us 
the Senate, Council, and Governor. Instead of being arrogant and 
elated, all persons of our party seem aware of the responsibility of their 
position, with a powerful enemy in front, and an increasing party in the 
flank. If Gov. Morton should, as I anticipate, be elected, I believe his 
course will be marked by a prudence that will confirm his old friends 
and win new ones. He cannot fail of being Governor, if no fraud is 

Gen. Cass left us this afternoon. His visit, as far as Presidential 
ambition is concerned, was a failure. He denounced Webster roundly 
and thus alienated the only friends here he had. An invitation was 
given him, (to which neither Gov. Morton nor I set our names, but 
which was headed by a leading Whig and David Henshaw, followed by 
alternate layers of Whigs and D.) to address the people in Faneuil 
Hall. This he wisely declined. A message had come to me from 
Paris, that I cannot but believe was with his knowledge, urging a 
famous reception by the Democracy of Boston, and new hints by this 

1 A word torn out by the seal. 


steamer : but none knew of it beyond me, and nothing was done. To 
Gov. Morton and Me the General read his correspondence with Web- 
ster. In it he denounces Webster's treaty in the most explicit manner, 
and describes it by inference as failing in preserving the rights and 
honor of the country. The right of search is the hobby of Gen. Cass : 
he thinks the treaty neglects that right : he avows his resignation to 
have been made on the day he received the treaty : the correspondence 
and documents connected with it, under instructions, coldly, and with no 
word of his own, communicated to Guizot : and to Webster he sent 
(under date of Oct. 3, 1842) a letter which makes between the two an 
inseparable gulf. That letter when called out by Congress and pub- 
lished, will alienate Cass entirely from the Anti-Clay Whigs. It is full 
of the severest insinuations, and the most open inferences of dereliction 
on Webster's part to his duty as a statesman. He picks a quarrel with 
Webster most decidedly. I liked the letter, and thought it just : 
though indelicate. 

On the whole, I am confident Gen. Cass can have no party. 
Here the few who were ready to hail his coming, are chilled through. 
He goes to Detroit, and not to Cincinnati, as the newspapers had it. 
Henceforth he hails from Michigan. 

May I add one word on R. M. Johnson. It is my deep conviction, 
that he has done you more harm than any score of Whigs in the land. 
I trust most earnestly, he never again may find his name by the side of 
yours. He has no fixed opinions ; and he has not mind enough to form 
fixed opinions. There is a pervading sentiment against him in New 
England. He has no strength any where. I hope, he will be left 
"alone in his glory." The people never chose him Vice President, 
and, as I believe, never will. 1 

I do not mean to say, that the vote of Massachusetts can be relied 
upon for the Democracy in 1844. But there is a possibility of our 
success. In 1840 there was no state in the Union, where the Democ- 
racy exerted themselves more. We are reaping the fruits now, and 
shall not fail to make our plan of action seasonably. With affectionate 
respect, faithfully yours. 

Bancroft to Van Buren. 

Boston, January 12, 1843. 
My dear Sir, — Great doings to-day in the Bay State ! The va- 
cancies in the Senate are filled with democrats. On joint ballot, we 

1 It was the opposition within the party to placing Johnson again on the 
ticket for the Vice-Presidency that brought Polk into prominence, and placed 
him in a position to snatch the Presidency from Van Buren in 1844. Jackson 
favored Polk, and the leading competitors were Johnson and William K. King of 
Alabama. The latter was given a foreign appointment before the question came 
to a hazard. 


had just one majority over whigs and abolitionists united. Fine times 
we have been having, I assure you ; and frequent doses of sal volatile 
administered. But our friends, in the midst of very great difficulties, 
and very many menaces, have moved on to victory. We lost the 
house for a time by a man claiming to be a member, and having no 
right whatever to a seat, yet kept there by the Whigs. You will hear 
of Morton's election in a day or two ; and we shall make a strong effort 
to retain and enlarge our ascendancy in the Commonwealth. 

I have been travelling : have seen many. The substance is, a deeply 
settled conviction that the choice of the Democratic Convention will in 
any event and with great unanimity be for you. The struggle will be 
a severe one not within our own party ; but against the efforts of the 
Whigs : they will try every scheme of division, hypocrisy and open 
hostility : but success is certain. Dallas is not for Cass : he is quietly 
in favor of the convention and its nominee, expressing no preferences. 
The Cass Party in Pennsylvania is indeed the Porter party ; office- 
holders, men of no weight of character or deeply seated influence. 
Buchanan has great and effective power: their men nothing but the 
present patronage of the State. In Maryland I was glad to find you 
have a strong friend in Governor Thomas. All with [exception of x ] 
Maryland, reject the idea of nominating Mr. Calhoun: in Maryland he 
has friends : but the mass is in harmony with our northern preference. 
In Baltimore, as in Philadelphia, the personal attachment to you is de- 
cided. I think, but I do not know, that Buchanan has a tender regard 
for Mr. Calhoun. With the people of Pennsylvania, Calhoun has no 
strength whatever. In Connecticut I found but one opinion : and I 
believe their legislature as it meets, will make a nomination of you. 
Indeed, New England will hear of no name at this time but yours. 
Your opponents were all seeking to delay the convention : at first I 
feared treachery : but the feeling is so strong in favor of union, that 
division is not likely to ensue ; and delay can accomplish no great 
harm. The main thing is, to fix the place and time for the convention 

I suppose you are aware, that a part of our Boston Whigs made 
approaches to Cass: that disgusted them, for Cass repelled them, 
they are now favoring Mr. Calhoun. Our manufacturers say, that as 
President of the U. S. he would view things differently from what he 
does as Senator of S. Carolina. In case of disappointment in that 
quarter, some of them are already planning treason against Clay, and 
wish to adopt McLean of Ohio as the Whig candidate. All these un- 
certainties of policy favor us. Yet here we hope, Clay will remain 
the standard-bearer of the Whigs. He cannot get the vote of 

1 Words omitted. 


Gilpin 1 of course I saw often : honest, open and true : enjoying in 
Philadelphia merited esteem. With affectionate respect. 

P. S. 5 o'clock. Our ballotings are over. The Whigs insisted on 
counting the votes many times over : but the inflexible majority of one 
remained. To the sixteen vacancies we elected fifteen democrats to 
one whig. This gives us forthwith in the Senate twenty nine to 
eleven. In the house we shall drive out the members with a false cer- 
tificate, and gain the majority there also. Our friends, instead of 
indulging in exultations, feel the responsibility of their position, and are 
resolved on showing the country, that we are competent to conduct the 
government. Our success has been marvellous. We have, really as 
I wrote you last year, if honesty had been respected, a bare majority in 
the house. This year 1843 sees Massachusetts with a Democratic 
governor, council and legislature. Among the Whigs Millerites abound. 

Mrs. Bancroft desires her best regards to you. 

Bancroft to Van Buren. 

Boston, Feb. 16, 1843. 

Dear Sir, — The invitation was, as you rightly suppose, for your 
son ; his presence was desired as an indication of personal respect for 
him, and we wished to see him as in some sort a representative of your- 
self. Our feeling here is as nearly unanimous, as it well can be. The 
committee selected me to read your letter ; which I introduced with a 
speech of half an hour. I wish your son could have witnessed the pro- 
found attention and loud applause, with which they heard me trace the 
principles to which we rally through the career of Jackson, of Benton, 
and your own administration. I did all I could, and at the particular 
wish of Governor Morton and our friends, to show the true political 
preferences of our democracy : and I never spoke to more acceptance. 
It seemed as if I were uttering the sentiments of the whole crowd. 
There was as much harmony of response as possible. 

There are but two or three dissenters among us. Henshaw 2 leads 
them, but with no success. His old friendship with the editor of the 
Morning Post 3 enables him to publish now and then a communication 
there; but the party generally maintain that there never was so little 
room for division on the subject of the Presidential candidate. Cal- 
houn's people are all the time writing letters to Connecticut and here, 
but without effect. 

Our congressional elections have not gone off ill : still our position, 
I mean in Massachusetts, is a precarious one. I say this not as de- 
sponding : but because I would not boast of what I cannot fully rely on. 

1 Henry D. Gilpin. a David Henshaw. 

3 Charles Gordon Greene. 


Nothing seems to augur success to our opponents : parties are so 
balanced, we shall exert ourselves in the cheering hope of success. 
Certainly the public sentiment has changed marvellously ; but we are 
not yet like Maine and New Hampshire. 

Your letter did not reach me till after the Festival, so that it was 
too late to write to Mr. Burke. 1 He would have been most heartily 
welcome. Faithfully and with affectionate respect yours. 

Van Buren to Bancroft. 

Confidential. Albany, March 19, 1843. 

My dear Sir, — If I have not thanked you for your kind communi- 
cation, and the stand you took in the matters to which they relate, it 
has been because I know that